gladness, that Mary never knew herself to have earned, Pole despatched to Rome by an emissary of his own, the

Reginam contuli, et cum ipsa atque ejus consilariis egi ut nuncio v. s. nulla interposita mora venire liceret : sed tum Regina atque ipsi consilarii ad me contendere cœperunt, ne in hoc negotium me interponerem, sed totam rem integram Reginæ prætermitterem: simulque rogabant ut pergerem legationis officio fungi, quoad Breve v. s. hac de re accepissem. Hoc vero prorsus negavi me facturum, et cum dicerent v. s. oratori Reginæ dixisse me nullis rumoribus moveri debere, etiam si omnes affirmarent mihi legationem ablatam, neque ante desistere a fungendo legationis munere quam hac de re Breve v. s.. accepissem, respondi si v. s. hoc dixisset, tum dixisse cum nihil minus suspicaretur quam fore ut ejus nuncius, qui Breve afferebat, prohiberetur ne ad me accederet; me vero, cum id jm scirem, nolle diutius legationis munus exercere: quodsi nuncio v. s. huc veniendi potestas fieret, eo quidem ac functurum quoad ille venisset: sed cum hoc, ut is veniret, Reginæ et ejus consilariis persuaderi non posset, nec ego mihi illud persuaderi sum pas us, ut munus legationis diutius obirem. In hoc statu cum res esset, mihi faciendum esse putavi ut Nicolaum Ormanetum, auditorem meum, qui mihi omni hujus legationis tempore operam suam summa cum fide et piorum omnium laude maxima, ad v. s. mitterem: quem illa si audierit, non dubito quin agnoscat tantum quidem abesse ut vel in hac causa vel in ulla alia re a me quicquam commissum sit, quod eam aliquo modo offendere posset, ut audeam dicere, nihil me prætermisisse quod ad honorem istius sanctæ sedis et v. s. magis illustrandum pertineret, omnibusque privatim officiis tum ipsam v. s. tum suos omnes persecutum esse." After this luculent explanation comes the piece that Strype gives, that no Pope had ever more affronted a cardinal. Then, "But perhaps you will say that I imagine all this, and that you recalled me and the other absent cardinals because, as you could not hold a general council, you wish for our advice: than this nothing could be more honourable and I hear that you say so in conversation, and I doubt not but that it is so written in your Breve, which I have not hitherto been able to see." He then laments that instead of honour, the Pope had disgracefully dashed him to the ground, with his head against the stones, calling him heretic; forgetting his services in defending obedience. This passage is of the importance that it may give Pole's key to his own conduct in England: that he had persecuted on account of the suspicion of heresy : "Hoc quidem facit (s. v.) eorum oblita, quæ pro oculis obedientia defendenda ac restituenda feci, legationem, in qua assidue cum hereticis pugnavi ob hujus ipsius criminis suspicionem, mihi abrogat, meque ad se vocat." Unless the words refer to the heretics with whom he fought. He goes on to complain that the question of the legacy had not been submitted to the college of cardinals," sed, extra ordinem, ad cardinales inquisitores heretica pravitatis." He complains of Morone's treatment. "quo nihil Roma unquam vidit indignius": and of the treatment of Priuli, another friend, of which anon. He says that he knew that the Pope had long suspected him

complete Ormaneto, whom he now termed one of the auditors of his household, about the end of August. Ormaneto seems to have been received with less consideration by the Pontiff than the biographers of the Cardinal have pretended: he was kept waiting for an audience, and seems to have been dismissed about the middle of September, when Paul made peace with Philip, leaving

of hesesy, and had said that his house "abhinc multis annis receptaculum esse hereticorum," naming Flaminius, a familiar of his, who died in Rome, "hereticum fuisse maxime depravatum." He goes on that the Pope, being but a cardinal, had conspired with another cardinal, of Trani, to fix heresy on him, and that he had so vindicated himself that the Pope said to him in a church, "Si Deus utrique nostrum tantum vitæ spatium dederit ut in altero conclavi una esse liceat, tu intelliges quid hic senex (seipsum autem digito ostendebat) tua causa sit facturus." Compare Strype here. After all this, he proceeds, when your Holiness has heard nothing of me “præter contentiones et pugnas cum reliquiis hereticorum et schismaticorum, et illustres cum magno catholicæ religionis incremento et sedis Apostolicæ honore victorias, eadem (v. s.) me heresis et perfidiæ crimine suspectumn reddere studeret." He seems to have imagined these triumphs, and to have forgotten to say that his own battles with heretics were fought by proxy. He goes on," hoc supplex peto," that the Pope would prove the spirit by which he acted, whether it were of God. "More difficult," he exclaims, "was it to reduce this kingdom than the Turks: for here was the impediment of public laws, like a mighty wall, opposed: within that wall were lodged the authors of the impious rebellion, keeping watch day and night lest any should approach bearing the standard of the Church." Then an unarmed woman appears, "sine armis, sine pecunia, omni denique præsidio nudata," having two assistants, the wondrous husband and the wondrous legate. Compare Strype. In what distress of mind is this woman when she sees "ambos adjutores suos quasi fulgure percussos et in terram prostratos," one being called a schismatic and the other a heretic. "You are worse to me," cries Pole, "than the wife of Potiphar was to Joseph you yourself pull off the garment of my legacy, and show it to all the world as a proof of heresy." His Holiness, he goes on, might use the plenitude of his power against him and Morone, after sending them down to the gates of hell by the charge of heresy, by either sending them into hell if it were true, or recalling them to upper air by withdrawing it, if it were false: "Utetur autem, si cum nos ad portus inferorum dejecerit ejusmodi crimine objecto, quod si verum esset, et ad ipsos inferos nos plane deduceret, quamvis autem falsum sit, tamen in conspectu omnium magis certe deprimere non potest, si, inquam, nos verbo suo dejectos reducat, plenitudine potestatis suæ utetur." Such are the chief parts of this extraordinary expostulation.

Pole's affairs in the same posture as before.* But Pole was not tired yet.

To one of the realms of his late enemy the Pope now restored the comfort of a legate: the kingdom of the Netherlands, the Court of Brussels, beheld the silver cross of Cardinal Caraffa: and to Pole the occasion seemed not unmeet for an attempt to recover his lost dignity by the aid of a papal nephew. "In order,” as he said, "to omit the performance of no office toward his Holiness," † he sent another of his auditors, the graceful Stella, to visit Caraffa. Him he informed by letters, which Stella carried, that, having given, by the auditor whom he had sent to Rome, a full account to the Pope of all that had passed concerning the Legation, of the condition of things, as also how the messenger of the Holy See had been stopped without his knowledge, and having complied with what he deemed it his duty to let his Holiness know, he was still waiting for the order and determination of his Holiness. He represented that he had great cause for resentment, and might be compelled to take up the arms of truth and justice to defend himself: and amidst a profusion of congratulations and

* Philips, in his Life of Pole, ii. 150, makes Ormaneto the bearer of Pole's former letter to the Pope, of May 25. He also makes Ormaneto to be graciously received by the Pope, and to have effected a sort of reconciliation. He is followed by Raynaldus: "Ormanetum ad se venientem Pontifex benigne excepit, atque, ut ipse aiebat, omnem pravæ religionis suspicionem de Polo a se removit, ut diceret hos esse malevolos iniquorum hominum sermones, quorum linguæ contineri nequaquam possent." Annales, p. 594. Beccatello says much the same, adding that the Pope was cowed somewhat by the news of St. Quentin, Aug. 10. But Carne's despatches put a different colour on Ormaneto's reception: that the Pope sent to him for an audience, kept him waiting till night, and then bade him come again another day. Carne to the Queen, Sept. 4. For. Cal. 332. It was Pole's long memorial that Ormaneto brought, as the memorial itself says: and as is proved by a subsequent letter: see below. It must not be supposed that Pole sent him by stealth. The Queen knew of it. + Pole to King Philip, Dec. 13. Ven. Cal. p. 1391.

compliments he implored the intervention of a friend.* Caraffa seems to have been shy: he said something of the low estimation into which Pole was fallen with the Pope whereupon Pole sent urgent instructions to Stella to put the matter strongly to tell the Cardinal that he might be driven in defending himself to relate many transactions between himself and his Holiness, in which his Holiness would be greatly blamed: that the charge of heresy in his case was an accusation of the most extraordinary impiety and ambition: that to the Queen of England it was not respectful to take away a Legate and appoint another without any notice, and to give no answer to her remonstrance: and that the Legate who was appointed owned himself to be utterly incompetent, and could never pass through London without a mob at his back. Nothing came however of these appeals: whether

* These letters contain passages which seem to make it certain that what Ormaneto took to Rome was the long epistle or tractate of which I have spoken above. "With regard to the Legation, having, through the Auditor whom I sent to Rome, complied with what I deemed it my duty to let his Holiness know, I await his orders, praying our Lord God to convert everything to His glory, and the advantage of His Church.”—“I greatly thank your lordship for the goodwill always shewn me, and for the loving and courteous offers made to my Auditor: whom I sent lately to Rome to do what he could to bring the affair of this Legation to some good end. Having already through the said Auditor given full account of everything to our lord and to your lordship, that his Holiness might understand the pure truth, both about what took place concerning the past affairs here, and the state in which they now stand, as also how his messenger was stopped without my knowledge, and what I consequently hoped in this matter, not having failed to perform my duty in every respect, I awaited, and still am awaiting, always with the most entire obedience, what his Holiness shall be pleased to determine and ordain." Pole to Caraffa, Dec. 1557. Ven. Cal. p. 1392.

+ Indeed, according to Pallavicino, one of Caraffa's commissions was to bring old Peto, Pole's poor rival, to Rome: so that he could not well open friendly communications with Pole. The historian notices (if it be well worth notice) that Peto was not called cardinal in Caraffa's instructions, but only father. Con. di Trent, xiv. 5, 5.

Instructions for Stella, January 10, 1558. Ven. Cal. p. 1419. From this document we learn that the Pope took as little notice of Mary's second

they ever reached the Pope is uncertain: they broke not his silence. And the year closed upon the affair with a strange rumour of letters from England inveighing against Pole, written by a great bishop, which were said to have been intercepted on the way to Rome.*

Toward the restoration of the monastic life several attempts were added this year. Some of the surviving monks of the great Benedictine abbey of Glastonbury had gathered themselves together to rebuild it, with the countenance of the Queen and a warrant from the lord treasurer: but the work soon came to a stand for want of money. Four of these survivors had found a refuge in Westminster with Feckenham, but appear to have cherished the design of returning to their old home: on behalf of which they addressed a pathetic petition to lord Hastings the treasurer: that they asked for no endowment, only the house and site, and to pay rent for the residue for that they could maintain themselves by industry with the help of the country people, of which they nothing doubted: that the ruthlessness of the overthrow of Glastonbury made it extraordinary: not surrendered, but extorted, the abbot and two innocent monks preposterously put to death: so that, "if there had ever. been any flagitious deed since the creation of the world, punished with the plague of God, this might be compared therewith." The time sufficed not, though the

remonstrance on Pole's' behalf as he took of Pole's explanations: “Although she sent to let him know the inconveniences and perils which ensued, requesting him to regard this realm with the due paternal pity, her Majesty during so long a period has never received any reply."

* Carne sent the Queen notice of some letters "sent from England to the Pope by a great Bishop of England against Cardinal Pole" which had been intercepted by the Abbot of San Salute, formerly of Pole's retinue, who informed Carne of them. Carne thought that they might be the forgery of some heretic. Dec. 11. For. Cal. 349. If a bishop sent such letters, it would be Bonner, who had long been discontented with Pole. + Burnet, Pt. II. Bk. ii. (vol. ii. 548, Pocock), and Collect. No. 30