and churches all the way, and amongst the rest the church of St. Paul, the most grievous fire that ever happened in this citie. Also the same year, by reason of distemperature of weather, thunderings and lightenings by which many men perished, there ensued a famine, and afterwards a miserable mortality of men and cattle, and what is very strange, hens, peacocks, geese, and ducks, bred in and accustomed to houses, forsook their wonted hives, and turned wild."

A.D. 1093. Matthew Paris, without particularising, merely remarks that there was a pestiferous mortality amongst men and animals. Grafton and Holinshed are however more explicit. Their accounts are nearly similar. We give that of the latter, as perhaps the most expressive and concise of the two: "This yeare England and Normandie were sore vexed with mortalitie both of men and beasts, insomuch that tillage of the ground was laid aside in manie places, by reason whereof there folowed great dearth and famine. Manie grizely and hideous sights were seene also in England, as hosts of men fighting in the aire, flashes of fier, stars falling from heaven, and such like wonders."

1247. On doubtful authority, without particulars, is recorded as one marked by pestilence.

1279-1316. Baker mentions a sick→ ness prevailing in 1279, to which we allude more for the strange extremities to which men were reduced by the cause, rather than the malady, which naturally enough might be expected to ensue. "So great a dearth befel the land that horses and dogs were eaten, and thieves in prison pluckt in pieces those that were newly brought in amongst them, and eat them up half alive, which continuing three years, brought in the end such a pestilence, that the living scarcely sufficed to bury the dead." But for other attending circumstances, it might have been supposed that this was confounded with a similar event recorded by Speed in 1316, when the same atrocities were repeated. He says, "The Peeres assembled at a Parleament in London, where no great matter was concluded, for famine and pestilence increased. The famine was grown so terrible that horses, dogges, yea men and children, were stolen for food, and (which is

horrible to think) the thieves newly brought into the gaoles were torne in pieces and eaten presently half alive, by such as had been longer there. The bloody flux or dissentrie, caused through raw and corrupt humours, engendered by evil meat and dyet, raged every where, and together with other maladies, brought such multitudes of the poorer sort to their end, that the living could scarce suffice to bury the dead." It seems, indeed, to have been attended with a prodigious mortality, when considering the comparatively small population of London, according to Grafton (Chron. p. 386), besyde the bodies that were buried in sundrie churches and church-yards, there were also buried in the Charter-house church-yard 50,000 persons and above. -Daniel again, in his Collections (p. 209) speaks of it as exceeding any that ever before had been known, attended with famine; as a remedy for which the political economists in parliament propounded a system, the merits and consequences of which afford an excellent lesson to some more modern, though not much wiser advocates for maximum and minimum prices in our own days. "A parliament was called at London upon the beginning of this dearth, to abate the prices of victuals, which suddenly grew to be excessive; and therefore it was or dained that an oxe fatted with grasse should be sold for 15s., fatted with corn for 20s., the best cow for 12s., a fat hog of two yeares old for 3s. 4d., a fat sheep shorn 1s. 2d., with the fleece 1s. 8d., a fat goose for 24d, a fat capon 2d., a fat hen 1d., four pidgeons a penny; whosoever sold above, should forfeit their ware to the king." These were in fact the prices of similar articles in the 11th yeare of Edw. III.'s reign, called the year of plenty, by Baker, in his Chronicles, p. 131. "Here," observes the author, seem then to have been no calves, lambs, goslings, chickens, young pigs, to be sold; such dainties were not in use.' Now for the consequences of this sagacious law: "All kind of victuals grow more scarce than before, so that in addition to a murren, which also prevailed, provisions could not be had for the kinge's house, nor means for other great men to maintain their tables (such a just punishment had excess and riot inflicted thereon in those

days), insomuch as men put away their servants in great numbers, who having been daintily fed, and now not able to work, scorning to beg, fell to robbery and spoil."

1348. This was the memorable year of pestilence, celebrated as the origin of Boccaccio's Decameron. So many authors of high note have made it a subject of remark, that it is difficult to select. But, however interesting are the numerous particulars relating to its progress in foreign countries, we shall pass them over, and confine our inquiry to a few English historians;* merely stating, that it began in the Levant, in about 1346, from whence Italian traders brought it to Sicily, Pisa, and Genoa. In 1348 it passed the Alps, and spread over France and Spain, and in the following year it reached Britain, and in 1350 laid waste Germany, and other northern States, lasting generally about five months in each country. Its mortality may be estimated by the number of deaths, viz. in Germany about 90,000; in Saragosa, in the month of October, about 100 per day, insomuch, observes Manana,t that the hearts of men became so hardened by the prevalence of death, that none mourned for the departed and corrupted bodies which were cast forth into the streets without respect or commiseration. In Florence more than three out of five were swept away. That this world hath nothing permanent to build upon (say the English historians) was found and felt in this eventful year, when it rained from Midsummer till Christmas, and so ter rible a plague ran through the world, that the earth was filled with graves and the air with cries, which was seconded with murren of cattle and death of all things. According to Baker, it began in London ‡ about Allhallowtide in 1348, and continued till the year 1357; where it was observed (we quote the author's words, without having the slightest inclination to vouch for the truth) that those who were born after the beginning of

The reader who wishes for further information will find ample details in Ginguene's Hist. Lit. d'Italie, vol. iii. p. 90. Mem. pour la vie de Petrache, vol. ii. p. 442. Hist. of Florence, par Matteo Villani.

† Manana, Hist. Espagna, vol. iv. 184. Other writers state in Dorsetshire.

the mortality had but twenty-eight teeth, where before they had two-andthirty! In England it so wasted the people, that scarce the tenth person of all sorts was left alive. There died in London, some say in Norwich, between the first of January and the first of July, 57,374 persons. In Yarmouth, within a year, 7052. Before which time, the parsonage there was worth 700 marks a year,* and afterwards was scarce worth forty pounds a year. It is worthy of observation, that this plague is said to have differed altogether from any plague before known, and it has been a matter of question by some of the leading medical authorities in London, whether the cholera is not in fact a return of this epidemic.

1361. The recollection of this last visitation seems to have been strongly impressed, for Baker speaks of this of 1361, as if its predecessor were still uppermost in thought. "Now again,' he says, "6 was the joy and glory that England received by her gettings, seasoned with the sowrness of another mortality, called the Second Pestilence, whereof died many noble men."

It is worthy of remark, that in reporting casualties, almost all these old writers seem particularly partial to the giving round numbers of 50,000. Thus Stowe speaks of 50,000 bodies buried in one church-yard, which Sir Walter Manny had bought for the use of the poor; and again that in Norwich alone there died above 50,000; a number not very short of the increased population in 1831, viz. 61,110; a mortality which must therefore be considered a gross exaggeration, and in truth a very unnecessary aggravation of a disorder which Knyghton, Walsingham, and other writers of repute, say nearly depopulated the whole nation.

1379. Baker speaks of a great mortality which prevailed in this year in the north of England chiefly, almost desolating the country; and also of another, followed by a famine, in 1391, but we can find no particulars.

1406. Hall, in his Chronicles, merely states the fact without details. "In this summer the pestilential plague so infected the citie of Loudon, and the countrie round about, that the King durst not repaire thither," but, as

About 470l. per ann.

we learn from Stowe's Annals, retired to Leeds Castle, in Kent. It carried off, according to Walsingham, above 30,000 people.

1407. On doubtful authority we insert the occurrence of a plague this year which killed 30,000 people in London.

1430. A partial, and apparently trifling, contagious malady is alluded to as one of the events of this year by Grafton and Baker,

1477. We may include 1478 and 1480 as mere continuations of the plague which commenced in 1477, and was followed up, according to Baker, by another, which began in the latter end of September 1480, and continued till the beginning of November twelve month ensuing, in which space of time innumerable people died. Holinshed is more particular, "By reason of great heat and distemperance of aire, happened so fierce and quicke a pestilence, that 15 yeares warre past consumed not the third part of the people, that onlie foure months miserablie and pitifullie dispatched to their graues, And surely it soundeth to reason that the pestilence should fetch awaie so manie thousands, as in judgment by proportion of fifteene yeares warre one maie gather, and manie more too; for every man knoweth that in warres, time, place, persons, and means are limited; time of warre begun and ended; place circumscribed; persons imbattled, and weapons also, whereby the fight is tried; so that all these haue their limitations, beyond which they haue no extent. But the pestilence being a generall infection of the aire, an element ordained to mainteine life, though it have a limitation in respect of the totall compasse of the world, yet whole climats may be poysoned; and it were not absurd to say that all and every part of the aire maie be pestilentlie corrupted, and so consequently not limited; wherefore full well it may be said of the pestilence (procuring so great a depopulation) as one saith of surfetting: Ense cadunt multi, perimit sed crapula plures.""

1483. In this year we first hear of a disease by name, which afterwards became too well known. From the best information we collect that it was not propagated by any contagious infection, but arose from the general disposition of the air, and of the human

body. In less than twenty-four hours the patient commonly died or recovered; but, after raging with great fury a short time, it suddenly abated. In London, two Mayors successively, and six aldermen, within eight days died; and for this sickness, says Baker,*

no physick afforded any cure; till at last this remedy was found. If a man were taken with the sweat in the day time, that then he should presently lie down in his cloaths, and so lie still the whole four and twenty hours: if he were taken in the night, then he should not rise out of his bed for the space of four and twenty hours, not provoking sweat, nor yet eating or drinking at all, at least but very moderately. In this sickness there was one good circumstance, that, though it were violent, yet it lasted not long; for, beginning about the one and twentieth of September, it cleared up before the end of October.' "" It began at first upon the King's army landing at Mil ford Haven, and soon found its way to London. It visited England again five times, and always in the summer. The only cure, observes Dr. Freind, in his History of Physick,t was to carry on the perspiration for a considerable time, and by all means to avoid sleep. It is stated that Englishmen residing in foreign countries were seized with it at the same time, while foreigners residing in England escaped. So extraordinary a partiality may well be doubted, notwith, standing the high authority of Dr. Freind,

1500. In London‡ there are said to have died this year about 30,000 people: the King and Queen sought refuge in Calais in May, and remained there a month. Such is the only record we have found of this pestilence.

1507. To what extent the disorder alluded to in this year prevailed, we cannot say, having only a report of its existence in Cheshire, where (see King's Vale Royal, and Harl. Misc. No. 2125.) in Chester 91 householders are said to have died of it, of whom it is most remarkable, if true, that five only were women.

1509. Whether the infection was carried by the Court, or others who fled to Calais in consequence of the lastmentioned plague, is uncertain; but

• Chron. 237. + Vol. II. p. 385. Speed, 987.

Hall* says: "This yere also was a greate pestilence in the toune of Calais, and muche people died, in so much that the Kyng, at the request of his counsaill, considering the weakness of the toune, sent thither Sir John Pechie, with 300 men, to tarry there; who continued there until suche time that the plague was ceased, and new souldiours admitted to suche roumes as then were vacant, and then returned to Englande."

1518. In this, the ninth year of Henry VIII.'s reign, Bakert tells of a sweating sickness, whereof infinite multitudes, in many parts of England, died, especially in London; which was so violent that in three, and sometimes two hours, it took away men's lives; and spared neither rich nor poor; for in the King's Court, the Lord Clinton, the Lord Gray of Wilton, and many knights, gentlemen, and officers, died of it. It began in July, and continued to the midst of December; and it deserves to be mentioned, as a corroboration of its extraordinary and peculiar attachment to the English, spoken of above, that Rapin particularly alludes to it as the "Sudor Anglicanus," for the very same reason, which is repeated as an admitted fact in a subsequent account of its similar attacks in 1522.

1522. A local fever, rather than a regular plague, occurred this year, according to Hall, at Cambridge, during the assizes, "when the Justices and all the gentlemen, bailiffes and other, resorting thither, took suche an infeccion, whether it were of the savor of the prisoners, or of the filthe of the house, that many gentlemen, knights, and many other honest yomen, thereof died, and almost all which were there present, were sore sicke, and narrowly escaped with their lives."

It was,

however, probably more general in its attack, since we find the usual attendant famine present in the same year, when, according to the same chronicle, toge ther with pestilence was "derthe of corne, for whete was sold in the citie of London for 20s. a quarter, and in other places for 11. 68. 8d. per quarter.'

1528. The sweating sickness appeared again this year: the mortality was so great in London that Baker§ says the Terms were adjourned, and

Henry VIII. kept his Christmas at Eltham, with a small number, and was therefore called the Still Christmas. The only remedy is thus alluded to in an anonymous biographical memoir of Sir Thomas More. The sickness of his daughter by this disorder is thus mentioned. "The phisitians, and all other, despaired of her health. The disease was then unknown and dangerous. The only remedie they could find out by experience was to be kept from sleeping. It was in the time of the great sweat. All meanes were sought to keep her awake, but it would not be, so there was no hope of her recoverie. Her father, who most entirely loved her, sought remedie at God's hands so went to the chappell in his new building, and there upon his knees, with tears most devoutlie besought the Divine Majestie, that it would like his goodness, unto whom nothing was impossible, if it were his blessed will, at his mediation to vochsafe gratiouslie to hear his humble petition for his daughter. It came then presentlie into his minde that a glister would be the alone remedie to help her sleeping, which waking she would not have suffered; and therewith she was thoroughly waked. The phisitians misliked this counsaile, yet it pleased God, for her father's fervent prayer, as we may verilie thinke, to restore her to perfect health. Yet God's markes (an evident token of present death) plainely appeared upon her; whereby it is plain that this help was more than natural."

1549. All we know is that Lincoln was, according to Camden, visited with plague this year.

1552. In this, the 5th year of Edward the VI.'s reign, the sweating sickness broke out in Shrewsbury, and then, extending to the northern parts of the kingdom, finally established itself in great severity in London; so as the first week, there died 800 persons, and was so violent that it took men away in four and twenty hours, sometimes in twelve, sometimes in less. This disease, he adds, and probably from him the above-mentioned peculiarity is derived, was proper to the English nation, for it followed the English wheresoever they were in foreign parts, but seized upon none of

H Wordsworth, Eccl. Biog. ♥, II. p. 143.