beginning, seldom fail to lead to mischievous and disgraceful consequences; and, if that example should, unfortunately, be withdrawn, if this inducement should be too feeble to overcome their ungovernable and unreasonable antipathy to the minister and his system, let them recollect, that, to perpetuate his power and his system till England is completely undone, till the remnant of her glories are laid in the dust and her monarchy is annihilated, there requires only the establishment of one single society, however contemptible, which Mr. Mainwaring's committee shall be able to denominate a Jacobin Club.-Remarks upon the conduct of the Sheriffs must be deferred to a future opportunity.

MILITARY CARS. The foregoing article has left no room for observations upon other subjects, but I cannot forbear to observe, that the Volunteering System has produced amongst the coach-makers consequences exactly similar to those which it produces amongst every other description of persons, and which from its very nature, it must produce. When this project was first mentioned in the Register, p. 253, foreseeing the bickerings it would give rise to, I endeavoured to show, that a proclamation of the King, commanding all persons to hold all their horses and carriages in readiness, would have been greatly preferable, con. cluding my remarks with these words: "How quietly would the whole matter "have been thus settled! Every horse and "waggon in the kingdom would have been "ready at a moment's warning: when the "occasion arrived, government would have "taken just what it wanted, and no more: "there would have been no confusion, no "noise, no ostentatious subscriptions, no "invidious distinctions, no exertions of pa

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triotism for the sake of getting a place or a "CONTRACT: all would have been "regular and quiet; the King would have

lawfully commanded, and his people "would have cheerfully obeyed." This was said no longer than fourteen days ago. I was grossly abused for it. I was, in one print, accused of libelling the gentlemen who had come forward with so much zeal and disinterestedness; and, in another print, my remarks were represented as calculated to invite the enemy to invade our shores. After this I think I shall be excused for copying, from one of these very prints, the following extract of a letter published by some of the patriotic coach-makers.

"At a meeting of the coach-makers

"held at the Freemason's Tavern, on the "13th of August, Mr. Lukin, the chairman, "observed, that he had received a letter "from the Commissary-Gen. stating that it "was the further wish of govt., to have four "harness to each carriage.so subscribed; "and, if any coach-maker had not old ones "by him, new ones were to be made, ac"cording to a pattern to be shewn, the expense of which would be paid for by

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govt. Every coach-maker present, I en"tertain no doubt, viewed the matter in this "light. The meeting under this impres "sion, was adjourned by the chairman, and "has never since been reconvened, al"though govt. recommended to the 'com"mittee to view and value the carriages, "entered, or to be e tered, in the paper, "that if lost or damaged, they might be "paid for according to their value. Since "this meeting, the Commissary-Men, has "thought proper to adopt, (for what reason "I know not,) another mode o procedure. "He has entered into a contract with two

coach-makers only, residing in Long Acre, "for 1500 pair of harness, to be made ac"cording to pattern and price agreed on. "This he has done without again advising "with any of the members of the committee, "or any other of the coach makers, who "have not only so liberally come forward "with their offers of carriages, but have "also, at the recommendation of the chair

man, gone about among their brethren so. "liciting their subscriptions. On reviewing "the subject I feel myself at a loss to ac"count for the sudden change in opinion "manifested by the Commissary-General, "which I cannot forbear regarding as a most "extraordinary one, every thing considered!!! "It appears to me somewhat inconsistent, "after convening a body of people together "for a particular purpose, fully explained "and defined in a proposition of his own, "that the Commissary-General, even after "having induced that meeting to forsake "their individual capacity, to lead others "into a similar situation, should, without

any regard to his own CONTRACT with "the coach-makers in general, or to the bonour of the country, have made a PRI"VATE CONTRACT with two individual

coach-makers only.. N. B. One of "these two, at the first meeting, subscribed "as his number, eighteen carriages, and after "the second meeting, which was adjourned,

he restricted his offer to ten carriages."There is the text, Sir Brook; furnish you the comment!

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PRICE 100.

353]

TO THE BRITISH SHIP-OWNERS*. "Assuredly this restriction" (meaning the complaint made by the assembly of Jamaica of that which they style the injurious restriction laid on their intercourse with the United States of America)" is to them a great dis

advantage, merely as planters of Jamaica; "but there remains no doubt in my mind, *that the navigation laws may be strictly "adhered to, as to spirit and utility, with

out leaving the Jamaica or West India "planters any ground of complaint."-COBBETT'S Observations on the Complaints of the West India Colonists.

Gentlemen,-Such are the sentiments of a political writer who seems from the several papers recently admitted into his work, and from his observations upon them, to support, in some measure, the object of the West I. colonists, to obtain permission to employ generally American ships in the trade of the British West I. islands: it therefore afforded me much satisfaction to observe your attention had been directed, by a recent writer under the signature of Alfred, to the pamphlet lately published on this subject by Mr. Jordas, the agent for Barbadoes; and I fervently hope the shipping interest of G. Britain will not fail to avail themselves of the timely intimation given them of the projects of the West I. planters, and to exert all their influence, not only to prevent such ruinous concessions being made to them, but to obtain early in the next session of parliament, an investigation into the actual state of the navigation of the country; for it is evident to me, that the public are not fully apprized of the real and truly depressed state of the shipping interest.If the present moment is neglected the persevering efforts aided by the political influence, in a certain quarter, of the West I. planters,

This letter, it will be perceived, has already appeared in another public print. The subject is very important. Both sides of it should be fairly and fully viewed. Some remarks referring to this letter will be found in the Summary of lolitics.

[354

will most probably produce the concessions they are now so strenuously soliciting, and which is evident, not only from the pamphlet referred to, but also from the several communications made by the different assemblies of the colonies to the ministry: indeed it will require the united exertions of the ship owners of G. Britain to counteract the endeavours of the West I. planters to obtain the suspension of the act of navigation, so far as to afford American vessels a free intercourse to trade with the British West I. colonies. The planters are not only powerful in parliament, but they are to be feared from the great talents and the various complicated interests connected with them, which are now exerted in their favour; and it is not improbable they may abandon their objections to many other points in difference between them and the govt. of the mother country, should the ministry (but which God forbid) be inclined to yield to their applica. tion with respect to the employment of American ships in the trade of the British West I. islands --The dissentions between the assembly of Jamaica and the govt. of that island have tended to encourage this particular claim of the planters; and every means appear to have been adopted by them to compel the late administration to accede to their desire of being allowed to employ American ships in the trade of the islands; but fortunately for the shipping interest, and for the country, the happy change in H. M.'s councils took place before it was effected. The monopoly of the navigation act, so called by Mr. Jordan, the high rate of freight of British ships, the state of the English market for sugar, and the additional duties imposed by this govt,, have of late been the constant theme of the planters and their agents, which, together with the outcry of a free intercourse for American ships with the British islands, too manifestly shew the anxious desire of the planters for a closer connexion wi h the U. S. of America. It is scarce necessary to point out the evils which

will most assuredly result to the mother country, should American ships be admitted to trade generally from that continent with the British colonies on the same footing as British ships; they are, indeed, too obvious to need enumeration; I shall therefore, at this time, merely select a few passages from the papers alluded to, which are evidently written at the instance of the planters, and leave it to a more able pen to depict the calamitous consequences which will ensue to G. Britain by giving way to this, amongst many other inordinate claims of the West I. planters Besides the severity of ministry in laying such duties, another "wound to the interest of the planter, is the high rate of freight, which is impos "ed on account of the enormous expense of "sailing merchant ships. The navigation

�

act, as you observe, is another grievance; " for North America is the life and soul of "Jamaica. Sugar is to be shipped there, E only in British bottoms, which the Ame"rican govt. takes care to burden with "charges of entry to almost a prohibition." POLITICAL REGISTER for July.--" The "amount of debt with which Jamaica "is loaded commercially, should be known "to ministers."--"So open to the consequences of war, the enormous private "debts, increasing public debts, destruction "of internal credit, and agitation of credit "with English merchants; the change in "the Spanish trade, the costs of shipping, "the power of the navigation act, &c.' Ibid.--Such are the extracts I submit to your consideration, and such are the observations I have presumed to make, in order to give effect to Alfred's views in directing your serious attention to this subject. It is much to be regretted, that amongst so numerous and meritorious a class of H. M.'s subjects, and whose interests are so deeply interwoven with the dearest and first interest of the empire, there should appear so much supineness and indifference. The want of energy and unanimity in the shipping inte rest of the country, notwithstanding the immense capital they have embarked in shipping, has subjected them within the last twelve years to many grievous impositions and injuries, and although the society of "ship owners of Great Britain" has, since its recent establishment, produced great good to the maritime interest of the country, yet much remains to be done. The jealousy with which that laudable and patriotic institution has been viewed has, in some measure, retarded its progress; but the openness and candour which has characte

rised all the proceedings of members ean

not fail to satisfy the mind of the most fastidious, that this establishment will ultimately be attended with the most beneficial effect to the nation.

EXTRACT FROM THE FRENCH OFFICIAL PAPER, THE MONITEUR, RELATIVE TO THE CONDUCT OF THE KING OF SWEDEN.

The article which is inserted under the head of Ratisbon, is preceded by the two notes which will be found below; and men tion is also made of a third note, delivered to the Diet of Ratisbon so long ago as the 8th of May, 1801, in which the King of Sweden, as Duke of Pomerania, caused to be communicated to the three colleges of the empire, by his minister to the Diet, M. the Baron de Belt, a note, in which he invites his co-estates to shew their gratitude to his R. H. A.-D. Charles, who has twice saved southern Germany from the invasion of the enemy, by the erection at Ratisbon of a colossal statue, representing that prince, to which all the estates of the em pire ought to contribute.-The two other notes are as follows. Note dated 26th Jan. 1804.-" The undersigned has re"ceived the order of his Majesty the King "of Sweden, as Duke of Anterior Pome"rania, his most gracious King and mast "ter to declare-" That his Majesty the "King, always animated with the liveliest "solicitude for the welfare of the German

empire, has not been able to behold "with indifference and in silence the un"constitutional attempts which several "princes of the empire have lately made "upon the ancient rights of a part of the. "immediate nobility, and upon its politi "cal existence, secured to it by the con "stitution and the last law of the empire. "He has, in consequence, found himself "under the necessity of representing to "the Diet of the empire, that it is of the "highest importance to stop, and to pre "vent in future such disorders and arbi"trary proceedings. The King therefore

supposes, that his co-estates will join in "the resolution which he has taken to pray "his Imperial Majesty, in virtue of his au thority and of his rights, as supreme chief "of the empire, that he will be pleased to

employ the means which Providence has "placed in his hands, to maintain untouch "ed the Germanic constitution, and to "guard it from any attempts directed "against it. As to abuses by the said "princes of the empire, which are made. "the pretexts, that may have grown up in "the course of several ages, his Majesty

"the King is persuaded, that the Emperor " and the empire, when they shall have "been requested by the interested states "of the empire, will cause them to be in"quired into with the most rigid severity, " and have them fully disclosed to view;

in order that justice may be done to "each, and that in future they may not "afford room for such discussions, which "might have consequences more danger"ous. His Majesty is also convinced, "that the deliberation which may be "opened for this purpose between the "Emperor and the empire, may take place "with reciprocal harmony and good un"derstanding, so necessary to the general "welfare; and that, in consequence, "the mediation of foreign powers, in an "affair which exclusively relates to the "internal concerns of the empire, will be

declined, as such mediation would be "contrary to the independence and the "dignity of the empire, and might give "birth to an idea that the Emperor and "the empire are two different powers, "while, in fact, they form but one and the

same power; that they are united by "the most sacred and inviolable duties, "and, consequently, want no other media"tor but the constitution and the laws of "the empire.-His Majesty the King, "therefore, deems it necessary to fix anew "the attention of the empire upon the "consequences of these illegal takings of military possession, and to repeat what "he has already made known upon the subject, as a proof that his Majesty, in "disapproving of these illegal proceedings, "foresaw at the same time the prejudicial "effects of such examples.-His Majesty "the King, in consequence, invites his co"estates to put an end to these attacks, " and to consider that their own safety, "their particular independence, and the "independence of the empire in general, "depend upon them; as an estate of the empire can only exist under the ægis of "the constitution and of the laws, and "that its existence is incompatible with "violent encroachments; for, from the "moment it suffers them, its power and "its consideration rests upon tottering "bases. The strong would then fancy "that they had always a right against the "weak; and the empire, reduced by its "intestine divisions to a state of dissolu❝tion, would become, in the end, the prey "and the spoil of foreign powers.-To "prevent, in time, such baneful and cala"mitous events, it is absolutely necessary "that all the states and members of the

"empire should prevail upon themselves. "to draw closer the bonds of union and "reciprocal confidence; and that they "should abstain, above all things, from "every arbitrary act against the constitu"tion of the empire, which is the object "of their common safety."-Note dated 14th May, 1804.-" His Majesty the King "of Sweden, having been informed of the " contents of the declaration which his "Imperial Majesty the Emperor of all the "Russias has communicated to the Diet of "the empire, dated the 7th April last, "conceives himself also obliged to declare, "that in all cases relating to the guaranty "of the German constitution, he can rec. "kon upon himself, as King of Sweden, "and, with a just title, as one of the most "ancient, being the guarantee of the peace. "of Westphalia; but, however, that bis "Majesty has not thought it necessary to

declare his sentiments as a guarantee of "the constitution, in the business in ques "tion, always conceiving that the chief of "the empire would make known to the "Diet his mode of thinking and acting. "The sentiments of the King are, besides, "too well known, and have been too often "communicated to the Diet, for his Ma"jesty to think that it is necessary to "repeat them upon this occasion."? Remarks of the Moniteur, in that print of the 14th August, 1804. -We have read the strange declarations which the King of Sweden has addressed to the Diet of Ratisbon.Nothing could be more striking than the inconsistency of these steps on the part of the.. Swedish monarch, if the stamp of folly which is impressed upon them, did not strike still more forcibly. What! whilst Poland has been divided under your eyes; whilst the enfeebled Ottoman empire exists no longer than the powers bordering upon your states will permit; whilst France, by shutting her ports against the ships of your nation, can so essentially injure your commerce; without provocation, without any motive to induce you to it, you delight in offering her daily insults.-When Gustavus was successful in the thirty years' war, it was with the assistance of France, and with that force of genius and inclination, which characterises all the measures of a great man. Poland was then respectable; Turkey existed in all her vigour; and Russia had not yet any existence in Europe.-But by what right, and with what views, do you excite the Germanic body against France! When Germany was engaged in a disastrous war, through the instigation of Sweden, you were the first to make your peace, and you sent

ambassadors to reside at Paris. During every crisis, the G. body heard nothing of you; but peace was hardly concluded, when you resolved to shew that you were still in being, and you demanded that a statue should be erected to prince Charles.-This prince has acquired glory and the esteem of Germany. France is the first to acknowledge it. But is it with your troops that he has acquired it? If you are a member of the empire, why did you not succour it with your army? If you are one of the guarantees of the treaty of Westphalia, why did you make your peace before the G. empire made theirs -How does it happen. that you are the only power that does not feel how disagreeable your proceedings at Ratisbon are, even to the G body itself?-Whilst you sell your cities, you engage in a fantastic discussion of concerns in Germany; whilst you enjoy hospitality at Baden, you insult your father-in-law. There has not been a day of your residence at Carlsruhe, in which

you have not given just cause of complaint to that prince. Lastly, during your abode with your brother-in-law, the Elector of Bavaria, you sign and date from Munich, a note, contrary to his interest, This prince was then weakened by the war; he was surrounded by armies; he was on the point of being, invaded; he would have wanted your assistance, if your arm could have given him any; and it is at that moment, and in the very heart of his capital that you write against him!-You are yet young; but when you shall have attained the age of maturity, if you read the notes you issue as impromptus when travelling post, you will surely repent of not having followed the advice of your experienced and faithful ministers; you will then do that, which you al ways ought to have done; you will regard only the welfare of your subjects, and the good of your country; what it has done for you and for your ancestors, requires that you should not sacrifice its interest to vain and irregular passions. You will attempt no more than you can perform; and you will not drive the G. body into a war, to the success of which you could contribute nothing; and in which your father-in-law and brother-in-law would probably make a common cause with France.-And then, if the interest of the Baltic induces you to unite with Denmark, you will feel that this interest is truly yours; that it is connected with the safety of your states, with the dignity of your crown, and the glory of your nation. You would have taken your precautions so as not to have left your coast unprotected, or to have suffered an enemy's fleet to pass

with impunity, within half a cannon shot from your shores, to bombard Copenhagen. It is not by such trophies that your ancestors acquired glory, and adorned the page of history. In short, you will not make, from the inducement of a pitiful subsidy, what no nation of Europe has yet made, a treaty so unworthy of your rank, as to be nearly tantamount to an abdication of your sovereignty. -We really think that, if you read his advice, it will be lost upon you; but we believe, at the same time, that you will not receive any other lesson from France. She is.very indifferent to all your steps; indeed she does not call you to account for your conduct, because she cannot confound a loyal and brave nation, and a people who, being her faithful allies for centuries, were justly called the French of the North; nay, she does not confound them with a young man led astray by false notions, and unenlightened by reflection.-Your countrymen will be always well treated by France; your merchant ships will be well received by ber; even your squadrons, if they are in want, will be victualled in her ports; she will see in your flags none but the ensigns of Gustavus, who reigned before you; and when the fire of your passion shall be extinguished, when you shall have learnt the true situation of Europe, and appreciated your own, France will be always ready to regard the true interest of your nation, and to shut her eyes upon what you have been, or what you shall have done.

SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

INVASION. The alarm and bustle, upon this score, have again subsided. The spectre has vanished, and we are ourselves again! But, when will it be laid never again to rise? Even Napoleon could not answer the question. It is more a matter of contingency than any thing that ever occupied the attention of any portion of mankind." Precisely what will be the result no man can tell, and hardly can guess; but, to lay down our arms as we took them up; to continue in the same relative situation with respect to France that we were in previous to hostilities, and also to continue in the same, or nearly the same, internal state, is, as far as I can judge, absolutely impossible. At present there appears to be no inducement for France to bring the contest to a close by negotiation; nor is it easy to discover how such an inducement can arise. Russia, who has her own quarrel with France, and her own views to answer, will, if she declare war, not continue it an hour for the purpose of putting us in possession of