VOL. VI. No. 1.]

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PRICE 10D

TO THE PEOPLE OF THIS KINGDOM, AND ESPECIALLY TO THE MEMBERS OF BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT,

Are submitted the following observations on the distresses and disputes which have arisen, and on the consequences which it is to be feared may ultimately arise, from the laws and regulations which have, of late years, been adopted with respect to our West India Colonies and Colonists in general, and particularly those of

THE ISLAND OF JAMAICA.

To nations as well as to individuals it frequently happens, when threatened with great and immediate dangers, to overlook, and of course to neglect to provide against, others not so near at hand and of slower approach, but, perhaps, not of less magnitude, and much more certain as to their arrival. Of the truth of this remark the present state of this kingdom and the conduct of its government furnish unquestionable proof. "Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof," appears always to have been the maxim of Mr. Addington as well as of the minister whom he succeeded, and who has now again succeeded him. But, as the acting upon this maxim is utterly incompatible with any attempt at prevention, we have troubles and dangers of great magnitude constantly falling in upon us, like unexpected demands upon an improvident and embarrassed man in trade. Hence it is that the far greater part of our public measures consists of remedies, or attempts to remedy: they are generally brought forward upon the spur of the occasion: many of them obtain the sanction of Parliament upon no other ground than that of necessity; and we often hear the persons by whom measures are brought forward tell the House, that it is too late to talk about the cause from which such necessity has arisen. How often this has been, and is likely to be, the case need not be pointed out to those who have paid the least attention to the acts that have been passed, relative to almost every branch of our public affairs, within

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the last twenty years. One measure of necessity hastily conceived and proposed, and not less hastily adopted, creates another and another and another measure of necessity of false and of temporary, of accidental, and, sometimes, of fatal effect. Thus we live along by shifts and expedients; always in a state of uncertainty if not of danger; gradually wearing away the resources of the country, the confidence of the people and of foreign nations, and the very foundations of the monarchy.

These reflections apply with peculiar justice to the conduct of government with regard to our West India Colonies and Colo. nists in general, and particularly those of Jamaica, where the planters, in consequence of a series of harsh, or at least, unadvised, measures, especially measures of taxation, have, at last, been reduced to a situation, which, if it has not impaired those sentiments of attachment to the mother country, hitherto so conspicuous in all their actions, does certainly threaten to produce that effect. With a sincere and most anxious desire to contribute towards the preventing of the evils which would but too surely result from such a cause, I have, after long waiting in hopes of seeing the subject in abler hands, ventured to take up the pen, first dismissing from my mind, as the reader certainly will from his, every consideration of a private or party complexion.

In order to come at a full and fair view of the merits of the case, it will be necessary to go back to the origin of the present complaints. We shall, indeed, trace every fibre back to that " root of all evil," money: the want of money, on the part of the minister, and the unwillingness or inability (generally the latter) to pay, on the part of the colo nists: this is, in fact, now, as it was in the former fatal quarrel between Great Britain and her colonies, the chief and the only ource of disagreement; for, though the providing of a maintenance for the troops necessary to the defence of the Island appears, for a long time, to have been the main subject of contention; yet it will, at

last, become evident, that the extortion of money on the one side, and the preventing of such extortion on the other, has constituted and does still constitute the struggle between his Majesty's ministers and the legislature and people of Jamaica.

The colonists of this Island have ever asserted their unqualified right to protection, internal as well as external, in common with the rest of his Majesty's subjects; and, without entering here into the arguments that have been used upon this point, we may ask, why those colonists should not have a right to such protection, as well as the colonists of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Newfoundland, and Canada? Till this question be answered by the producing of some special provision or agreement, making an exception with respect to Jamaica, the right asserted by that island must be admitted. And, indeed, though the planters in Jamaica, like the citizens of Dublin, have, from the first establishment of a military force amongst them, provided, by their colonial grants, an island-subsistence for the King's troops, in addition to their pay, yet such island-subsistence never ought to have been considered in any other light than that of a free donation, which the colonial legislature was, at any time, at perfect liberty to with-hold, or to discontinue altogether. About thirty years ago the Council and assembly, in a joint address to the King, pledged themselves to continue this allowance to any number of men that might be sent to them, not exceeding 3000, and to provide for such men barracks, hospitals, and other conveniencies; all which the colony has most punctually and liberally performed, and, the Assembly has even made recently an addition to the former allowances. When the troubles in Saint Domingo first began to wear a serious and menacing aspect; application was made for an augmentation of the military force. The 20th dragoons and three regiments of foot were sent them, but accompanied with the condition that the island should defray all the additional expense which should, by a consent to this request, be made to the peace establishment of the kingdom. That it was not very generous, to say nothing about justice, thus to take advantage of the dangers and apprehensions of the colonists, no man will, I think, deny; especially when he considers, that the application was made at a time when the mother country was in the full enjoyment of all the advantages of peace and of uncommon prosperity, to which latter the colony of Jamaica largely contributed. The principle, too, upon which

these niggardly conditions were founded, was perfectly novel. Jamaica was to defray the expense of this additional military force, because it was demanded in time of peace! Because that part of the empire was, from its local situation, placed in a state resembling that of war, it was not to receive aid from the mother country, as a colony, as a part of the empire, but as a foreign country, to whom Great-Britain might, while she remained at peace herself, think it politic to hire troops! Nevertheless, so great and imminent were the dangers, to which the colony was exposed, that the House of Assembly yielded to the conditions; but, as they themselves declared at the time, this whole measure was to be considered merely as an experiment resorted in a moment of danger and for a temporary purpose; and, while they expressly stated, that the augmentation of the troops at their expense was not to be considered as a permanent establishment, they strongly remonstrated against the principle upon which the ministers had made the exaction, still asserting, in an address to his Majesty, their title to equal protection with the rest of his subjects.

In the year 1707 a further augmentation to the force in Jamaica became necessary. The mother country was now at war: the ground on which the former demand had been made upon the particular purse of the colony was, of course, removed: it could not again be proposed to send the British troops as mercenaries; and yet it was very desirable to make the colony pay the whole expense of this further augmentation of force, employed for its defence, certainly, but not more for its defence than for the defence of the navigation, manufactures, and revenue of Great-Britain. To get over this difliculty; to save a few thousand pounds here, in order to add them to the millions that were expending in sieges and battles for colonies which, if taken, were to be ba-ely surrendered without an equivalent, an expedient was resorted to that reflects very little honour either on the head or the heart of the persons by whom it was conceived. The people of Jamaica were informed, that regiments of black slaves would be raised in, or sent to, the island. More alarmed at this threat (for it could be considered as nothing else) than at all the other dangers by which they were menaced; foreseeing the ruinous and horrible consequences that must ensue from the eradicating of those opinions and the subverting of that local policy, on which the authority of the white inhabitants was founded, and had always been supported

much more than by superior physical force, the Assembly submitted, as to an imperious necessity, to a deviation from the constitutional principle which they had constantly asserted, and they proposed, as a substitute for these armed slaves, to give out of the purse of the colony British pay to 2,000 European troops. But this arrangement included a plan for augmenting the white population of the island, and "for compensat

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ing," to use the words of the Assembly, "the immediate expenditure, by adding to "the future security of the country." And, it must not be forgotten, that, even with this prospect before them, the consent of the Assembly was not given, until representations and remonstrances against the obtrusion of the blacks had been tried in vain, and until they obtained a positive promise, that no black military establishment should be raised in, or sent to, the island. Notwithstanding this promise, however, the project of sending black troops to Jamaica was resumed previous to the resignation of Mr. Pitt, and, agreeably to a letter, written by Mr. Dundas to the colonial agent declaring in the strongest terms the resolution of government to persevere in its intention, the 2d West-India regiment was actually landed in Jamaica previous to the peace, in direct violation of the condition entered into by the ministers themselves.

The preliminaries of peace were communicated to the people of Jamaica in company with a requisition from the mother country, that they would take upon them the whole expense of maintaining 5,000 European troops! The Assembly was told by the Governor, that the black regiment should immediately be removed out of the island, and that, in future, no corps of that description should be sent thither, without the concurrence of the House; that the colonists should be relieved from the expense of maintaining the 20th regiment of dragoons as a permanent establishment; that the proposed establishment of 5,000 men would probably be reduced at a future period by the restoration of good order, and subordination in the French islands. And that, seeing that the Assembly had, on a former occasion, pledged itself to pay 2,000 white troops, the present proposition could not be regarded as unreasonable. He reminded them, at the same time, of the advantages which the colony would derive from the establishment of barracks in the interior parts of it; nor did he forget the great prospect of a much more ready and extensive sale for the produce of the colony, "from new markets being opened to its

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"commerce by the blessings of peace." In answer to the message containing these requests and suggestions the Assembly reasserted their unqualified right to protection as British subjects: they refused to give British pay to any troops at all, and expressed their astonishment that an attempt should have been made to load them with the whole expense of an establishment of 5,000 regulars, in addition to that of their expensive colonial militia: they concluded their answer by stating, that, notwithstanding the distresses of the planters, and the difficulty of supporting any additional burdens however light, they would consent, in case an augmentation, raising the establishment to 5,000, was made, to provide for the whole 5,000 that sort of subsistence and accommodation which they were already pledged to provide for 3,000 men. In consequence of this refusal the regiment of slaves, for the embarkation of which the Governor informed the Assembly he had given directions, was retained in the island, while the 20th regiment of dragoons were soon after removed from it.

An account of these transactions having been communicated by the Governor to Mr. Addington and his colleagues, they seem to have sought, with great care and assiduity, for precedents amongst those official proceedings by which the continent of North America was lopped off from the empire of that sovereign, of whom it was their constant boast, that they were the "confidential

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servants." The letter of Lord Hobart, which appears to be the result of such an inquiry, and which was written in September, 1802, was not communicated to the House of Assembly till the month of November last, and it is sincerely to be wished that the nation may not have to mourn over the circumstance of its ever having been communicated at all. His Lordship sets out, as was the uniform practice with those sages who managed the affairs of the American colonies, just before they ceased to own allegiance to Great Britain, that is, with expressing his Majesty's approbation of the zeal of the Governor, an expression by no means called for, especially as the paper communicated to the Assembly purports to be " an extract of a letter from Lord Ho"bart." To approve of one party in a dispute is to disapprove of the other party; therefore it was, in this case, not only unnecessary, but mischievous, to express the King's approbation of the conduct of the governor. After using a little flippancy upon the subject of the utterly untenable" ground taken by the Assembly, and expres

the 2,000 men, they expected, after the above-mentioned compact, to be liable to receive slave regiments into their colony? No: the sending of the slave regiment to Jamaica was a breach of public faith which nothing can palliate, and it requires no small share of self-confidence in the ministry to expect that it will speedily be forgotten. The governor assured the Assembly, in his message of June, 1802, that the black regiment "should be immediately removed," and announced to them "the consent of his Ma

sing, with a sort of sneer, 66 a confident "hope" that their time will be more taken up with devising the means of providing the supply than with endeavouring to find arguments to justify their want of liberality; after this extract proceeds to produce, as grounds of the present application, the bargain that was driven by the government in 1791, which bargain, as was before observed, was totally destitute not only of generosity but of justice also. It next refers to the bargain of 1797, and, upon the subject of the subsequent employment of slave regiments in Jamaica, it denies that the government violated its engagement, because the ministers, in sending those armed slaves, did not insist upon the colony's continuing to pay the 2,000 European troops! The words of the letter are these: "The measure was

ing the compact that had been entered into, and not violating it, as has been in"advertantly stated by the Assembly." The Assembly, in answer to this part of the letter, so insulting to common sense, observe, that," from an anxious disposition to cul

tivate harmony with the parent state, the "House forbear to comment on the doc"trine of dissolving a compact at the plea66 sure of one of the contracting parties, al"though destructive of all public confi"dence, and most alarming to the weaker "side." This certainly is a doctrine that was never before heard of in the world; and who would not accuse the Assembly of a want of fidelity to their trust, if they were again to vote away the money of their constituents upon the faith of a similar compact entered into with the same party? The Assembly did not agree to pay the 2,000 European troops, upon condition that no slave regiments should be raised in, or sent to their colony, only while they continued to pay those troops; but upon condition that their alarm, on this account, should be entirely removed, that is, upon condition that, at no future time, slave regiments should be sent amongst them. They very well knew, they must have known, that a time was likely to arrive, when the 2,000 men, in addition to the former establishment and the militia, would not be wanted in Jamaica; when no longer wanted they would, of course, bene longer continued, but can be kupposed, that, if they ceased on this cause to pay

jesty to the wishes of the Assembly, that, "in future, no corps of that description "should be sent thither, without the con

currence of the House." Lord Hobart, in case the Assembly consent to the proposition of maintaining the European troops, repeats this assurance; but, what reliance can the Assembly place on such promises, especially when they come through ministers who hold the doctrine, that a compact may be "dissolved" at pleasure by the will of one of the contracting parties? Now, indeed, the Assen bly will find a change in the ministry; but, whether their confidence is likely to be much increased thert by, is a question that will require but little consideration amongst those who recollect who it was that violated the former compact. In coming to the remaining parts of the letter of Lord Hobart, we find its tone begin to soften. The ministers sink in their demands; and the governor is directed to apply to the Assembly for pay and subsistence for three thousand men instead of five thousand men. It is added, too, that it is not intended to limit the military defence of the Island to this force; but the governor is "to express his

Majesty's pleasure, that, upon a full con"sideration of all circumstances, the Island "shall not be called upon for a larger con"tribution than that which has been stated." It was a maxim with a very cunning and famous man of the other side of the Atlantic, never to give a reason for any thing that be said or did. Well would it have been for Lord Hobart and his colleagues, if they had heard of and steadily pursued the advice of this cautious philosopher! The governor, in his message to the Assembly in June, 1802, states the great probability of the 5,000 being reduced in number, at a future period, by the restoration of good order and subordination in the French islands: then in the month of September following comes his principal, my Lord Hobart, and states to this same Assembly, that the numbers are already reduced from five to three thousand men; because-what, do you think? Because, "the French army in Saint Domingo has

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"been greatly reduced," and because "the "French naval force bas returned from that "station to Europe"!!! On the 17th of June the governor told the Assembly, that the restoration of order in the French islands would enable him to make a reduction in the number of their troops; on the 6th of the next September, Lord Hobart, with the governor's message upon the table before him, sets down and tells them, that the number of troops wanted has been reduced from five thousand to three thousand by circumstances which render it utterly improbable, and almost impossible, that the hoped for restoration of order should take place for several years to come! Does any man believe that the Assembly did not see through and despise this paltry device? That they did not clearly perceive it to have been invented by the ministry as an excuse for sinking in their demands, without an appearance of yielding to the Assembly? And, did Mr. Addington and Lord Hobart imagine, that the members of the Assembly of Jamaica had not pride as well as they? Did they think, that, by reducing the demand to three-fifths of its original amount, they should induce those members to abandon the great principle, for which they and their predecessors had so long contended? Did they in good truth believe that those memhers consisted in great part of" live-stock?" It would appear so. and that they did not regard them as the best kind even of such stock; for, after having endeavoured to wheedle them with this reduction in the amount of the demand, the letter concludes with expressing a full persuasion that the concurrence of the Assembly will be ob tained to the extent now proposed, in which case, their wishes respecting the black slave regiment are to be acceded to; "but," says Lord Hobart to the Governor, "if, con66 trary to the reasonable expectations of his "Majesty's government, the Assembly "should not concur even to that extent, "the intention of removing the black troops "must be laid aside!" Upon this part of the letter the Assembly express themselves with becoming indignation: "The House la"ment," say they, "that their duty com

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pels them to express their surprise and concern, that his Majesty's present mi"nisters, whose moderation and respect for "the constitution have been the subject of "deserved eulogy, should direct to be sub"mitted to the loyal inhabitants of this island, a proposition of the highest impor"tance to their constituents and their posterity, not to be discussed on its own merits, not to be rejected or acceded to after

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weighing its effects and consequences on our constitution, and in our actual situa"tion, but accompanied by a threat, that, if "the deliberate and unbiassed voice of this "house declared it inadmissible, we must

expect that a body of regimented slaves, "introduced in opposition to the unanimous "opinion of the inhabitants, and the col"lected voice of all who are interested in "the welfare of this island, shall be con"tinued in its bosom, the object of universal "abhorrence; a singular monument of

its example, and as an instance of an "armed force kept up in the colony, after "it has been declared dangerous and uncon"stitutional by the representatives of the

people." To the distance at which the Assembly of Jamaica is, and to their corsequent inability to detect the falsehoods of the hired eulogists of Mr. Addington's administration, must be attributed their opinion, that the eulogy which had been be stowed on it was 66 deserved;" for, whenever the acts of that administration shall undergo a full and impartial review (not written by a Doctor half promised the next vacant bishoprick), it will appear, that, during no administration that this country has known for at least a hundred years past, was there ever shown less real moderation, and certainly never less respect for the constitu tion. Öf the truth of this, little, one would think, could be required to convince those to whom the above-mentioned letter of Lord Hobart had been 'communicated; for, assuredly, a communication more daringly disrespectful to every principle of the constitution of England could not possibly have been made. The use which both ministries seem to have intended the slave regiment for, is, not to contribute to the defence of Jamaica so much as to extort other means of defence from the purse of the colony: just as, in a conquered city, you send a company at free quarter into the house of him who refuses his contribution. With regard to Mr. Addington's ministry, there can be no doubt at all as to the motive, and very little, it is to be feared, as to that of their predecessors, who are now again their successors, those of them, indeed, who are not the same identi-" cal persons. If, however, Mr Dundas's intention was not to extort a compromise, not to make the Assembly defray the expense of white troops far beyond the number of 2,000 men, but to compel the colony to submit to a permanent establishment of armed