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The duty of a man towards his wife and children is greater than that which he owes to all the world besides, his sovereign and his country excepted; and, therefore (the previous questions of law and morality being decided in Sir James Craufurd's favour), it was his duty to escape if he could, whatever might be the consequences to those, who either could not or would not follow his example.

VOLUNTEER SYSTEM.-It may, at first sight, appear rather cruel to disturb the last moments of this exparing system; but, there are some few facts relating to it which ought not to pass unnoticed.-In the preceding sheet I inserted the address of one of the candidates for the sheriff's office at Chester. I now insert the reply to that address. "To "the independent freemn of the city of Chester: Gentlemen, the peculiar circumstances under which the opposition "of Mr. John Broster as sheriff, is under"taken, and the grounds upon which it rests, imperiously call for the calm refléxion of every citizen, as it is not simply a trial of one local interest against another--"not a trial of what is termed the inde

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pendent interest against the corporation "but, when developed to the bottom, in"volves in it a struggle of the military

against the civil power. If this can be made to appear to be the fact, there are "few dispassionate men who would require a moment's consideration to exert their "weight and influence in resisting so non

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strous and dangerons an opposition.-Let " any man who has read Mr. Williamson's "advertisement say, if the following posi❝tions and conclusions be not contained "under his signature.-Because I have

been injured in the prosecution of my son-in-law by the civil power--There"fore I come forward to bring that power "into contempt, and bid open de fiance to "it. Because alderman Broster was the "acting magistrate in that transaction-"therefore I will revenge this injury upon "his son. Because the Chester volunteers as a body, were implicated in the late riot therefore I call upon them to approve "of, and applaud that event, by giving me "their support. Such is the language of "Mr. Williamson's modest address. Had "his opposition stood upon a broad and

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honourable basis, there would have been no need of an appeal to men in arms. And I am sanguine in my hopes that the respectable body of men, under whose skirts he seeks protection, will not com"mit themselves with him in so desperate a "cause.—24th Oct. 1804."--Now, what

will be said to this by those persons, who supported the volunteer system in preference to a regular army, lest the civil and political liberties of the country should be en dangered by the latter? The words of Paley, so often quoted by me, and so applicable to this subject will be found in vol. V. p. 982. The whole of the essay where they will be found I beg leave to recommend to the pe rusal of the reader; for, to what is there said nothing can be added.--At the city of Norwich, where volunteering was at one time so brisk, large loaves appear to have become greater favourites than volunteers; and, we are told, by a ministerial paper, that the "common people"..... N. B. Always the common people, or the rabble, or the mob, when they act contrary to the wishes of the ministry, and always "the people," or "the people of England," when they act in conformity to those wi hes. Thus those who now cry out " no volunteers and a large loaf" are the common people; whereas when these very same persons, at the last election, cried "peace and a large loaf," they were "the citizens of Norwich" and the "people of England!"... But, the common people, since that must now be the phrase, "the common people," says The Times of the 5th instant," the common people in the city of Norwich, and its vici"nity, have taken an aversion to the system of volunteering. On Monday an at"tempt was made by them, particularly "the females, to obstruct the volunteers of "the Norwich regiment from mustering. "They abused and insulted the officers, and "accused the volunteers of being the cause “of small loaves and the advance in corn. "After they had gone through their exer "cise, Lieutenant-Col. Harvey thought it

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necessary to harangue them on what had "taken place, and advised them seriously "to impress upon their families the rash"ness of such proceedings. He attributed "the increased price of bread solely to the "late deficient harvest; and he reminded "such as wished to retire, that the defence "act still continued in full force, and would "be found more coercive than volunteer "support."--The Lieut. Colonel's closing argument is truly curious. In order to keep "volunteers" in their corps, in order to keep embodied those persons, whom a halfmadman in the Morning Post denominates "an innumerable host of dauntless heroes

rushing forth and voluntarily exposing "their breasts to the bayonets of the ene"my" in order to keep such persons from leaving their corps, Lieut Colonel Harvey thinks it necessary to remind theǹ" that

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"the defence, act is still in full force, and "will be found to be more coercive than "volunteer support!" The Lieut.-Colonel's argument puts me in mind of a sarcastic phrase used in the army, where a man who obeys with an ill-will is called a volunteer by the hair of the head;" an appellation, which, it would seem, might with no great impropriety be given to the troops of Lieutenant Colonel Harvey; for, though they are not actually dragged out by the hair of the head, yet, it appears, that between their commander and their wives, they may be regarded as existing in a state of constant restraint, and that any other арpellation afforded by our language would suit them better than volunteers. The Lieutenant-Colonel was mistaken as to the cause of the high price of bread; for, it certainly does not arise solely from the deficient harvest. Partly it does, but not solely. There are several, contributing causes; the deficient harvest, the cornbill, the effect of, paper money *. Yet the people (I beg pardon)" the common "people" are not quite mistaken in their notion in this respect. It is not new for me to contend, that the volunteer system must contribute to raise the price of provisions. A deficient harvest arises from two causes; unfavourable seasons, and a deficiency of labour. That the volunteer system has subtracted from the quantity of agricultural labour it is impossible to deny; and, it is therefore impossible to deny, that that system has contributed to the deficiency of the harvest. It seems that Lieutenant Colonel Harvey knew the women, or "females," as the ministerial writer calls them, to belong to the volunteers, because we find him exhorting those heroes to go home and quiet their families; to impress upon them the rashness of such proceedings. If the "fe"males" persevere, what is the Lieutenant Colonel to do? March against them with the males? Gracious God! to what a state are we reduced by the imbecility of councils; by ministers of "existing circum"stances;" by custom-house politicians; by

may, perhaps, be correct to call a military surgeon or apothecary "an officer;" and, there is every appearance, that this eulogy on the volunteers is the production of some one of that profession. The author makes an attempt or two to cut up Sir Robert Wilsou, but he fails even to draw blood, Indeed, the only passage, worthy of particular notice is the following: It is with the deepest concern I view the actual state of "the Volunteers, so widely different from "what it was but a few months back. Then "it displayed animation, vigour, energy, " and health. Strange! What! animation, vigour, energy, and health besides! But, to proceed in the quotation: "it dis

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played health throughout all its mem"bers, as well as in the general frame. "Can its present condition" condition of the state observe] "warrant the same observa"tion? Far otherwise. Now it is not only "in a slow decline, but in a galloping con "sumption," [Eh? creep and gallop at one and the same time! And, do not forget that it is the state of the Volunteers that is going in this paradoxical pace]" and imperiously "demands the prompt aid of a skilful phy "sician." [Whereupon he thus steps for ward in his professional capacity.] Some "measure should, therefore, be speedily "adopted, some wholesome regimen pre"scribed, to prevent its natural death, to "which it is advancing with large and hasty "strides. The nerves and the sinews are

considerably relaxed, the fibres are sen"sibly affected, and have already commu"nicated the contagious languor to the "trunk." After again observing, that it is the state of the volunteers which is the pa tient here; that it is the nerves and the sinews and the fibres and the trunk of the state of which the author is speaking; after this it would be cruel to ask him, whether it be usual for feeble and almost dying bodies to advance with large and hasty strides.-But, let us hear him out. "So that, unless

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some strong tonics, some powerful resto"ratives, be immediately administered,"

the paper-money aristocracy and their chamaye, aye; he wants a job!"]" its dissolu

tion is likely to be as rapid as its growth." [The dissolution and growth of the state, mind] "Sincerely do I wish, that my appre"hensions may prove merely visionary,"

pion! With all these and a hundred other evils of the volunteer system before us, it was hardly to be expected, that any one would venture still to extol that system; yet,[Word for word what the village surgeon this has lately been done in a pamphlet, entitled "A Few Penn'erth of Hints to the "Officers commanding Volunteer Brigades, "&c. &c, by an Officer of the Regulars.'

It

* See two essays upon this subject, present Volume, p. 545 and p. 559.

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said to Tom Jones]" and that my fears may never be realized; yet, such appears to "me to be the probable fate of this huge "colossus, which lately astonished "world, and struck terror into our enemies, by its magnitude, its strength, and its synmetry!"

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"Why did I wiite! What sin, to me unknown, Dipt me in ink, my parents or my own!" If such be not now the 'exclamation of this 'son of Asculapius, he must be blessed with confidence much more than sufficient to compensate for his want of literary talent. But, where did he learn, that this huge colossus did, at one time, astonish the world and strike terror into our enemies? This is no question for the sake of dispute. I am really desirous to obtain light as to the facts here stated; because they are quite new to me, and because they are of the utmost importance. If it can be satisfactorily proved, that the volunteer system ever did really strike terror into the heart of the enemy, it may be made to do it again; and, viewing its effect in that light, it would certainly have all the support that I should be able to give it. But, I am afraid that this writer is entirely mistaken: the enemy appears always to have despised the volunteer system; and, while that system lasts, we may be assured, that, whatever tonics may be applied to it, we shall never have an efficient ally upon the continent of Europe.

CATHOLICS or IRELAND. In answer to a letter, which, upon this subject, appeared in the Register of the 27th ultimo, p. 629, and which turned principally upon the relative population of the Catholics and Protestants of Ireland, I have received from Dublin two large sheets of manuscript closely written, and accompanied by a letter, dated 31st ultimo, stating that, "the enclosed ma"nuscript will serve to show the public the " errors of such calculations, and to coun"teract the effect of the tissue of misrepre"sentations;" for such the statements of my former correspondent are denominated. Neither the matter nor the manner of this

new correspondent was very prepossessing: the savage delight with which he seemed to dwell upon the acts of confiscation passed against the Catholics, and the constantly-recurring nickname of "Romanist," which he made use of instead of that appellation that has heretofore been in use, led me strongly to suspect his impartiality, and, of course, the correctness of his statements: nevertheless, imagining, that, if he were incorrect, he would soon be contradicted, I was just about to send his papers to the press, when, by mere accident, I discovered, that these papers, with the contents of which I was,

"in

the name of impartiality," besought to treat and enlighten the public, were, not written from print, but, were part of the identical manuscript, from which was, some few years ago, printed a pamphlet, for the publishing of which the bookseller was pro

secuted and convicted! This was rather too barefaced. But, upon this side of the question, there is generally a disregard of decorum as well as of candour. On the side of the Irish Catholics every thing that I have ever published, or ever seen, is advanced with decency and with moderation; while the wri tings of their opponents almost always seem

be dictated by intolerance and animosity, and discover but very little respect for any one who ventures to exercise a right of deliberating upon the subject. Whatever can be urged against the claims of the Roman Catholics I am ready to read, and as far as my limits will allow, to publish; but, I will publish no virulence, no abuse, against those who abuse nobody; and 1 will never contribute to give circulation to any writing, wherein the Roman Catholics shall be desig nated under any nickname whatever. There. may be reasons, solid reasons, for refusing the claims of the Roman Catholics of Ire land; but, let us hear them. Let the pre

sent situation of Ireland be fully and faith fully described: let it be frankly stated whe ther the kingdom can, or cannot, be rescued from its present difficulties without some change in Ireland: and, if it cannot, let it be shown why that change should not embrace all the claims of the Roman Catholics. To such a discussion I shall chearfully lend my pages; but I never will circulate abuse of the Roman Catholics, and much less expres sions of hatred or contempt of their religion.

SIR GEORGE RUMBOLD.- On the night between the 24th and 25th of October, a body of 250 French troops, commanded by a general, and having drums and colours, embarked at Harburgh, on the Hanoverian territory, and landed on a spot between Hamburgh and Altona, called the Hamburgher Berg, or Hill. From thence they proceeded to the Grindelhof, where Sir George Rumbold, the British chargé d'af faires to the Hanseatic cities and the cir cle of Lower Saxony, has his country residence. Sir George looked out at the window, and inquired what they wanted? Those who first approached the house said they were couriers, come with dispatches from Tenningen. But, entertaining some suspicions, he refused them admittance; upon which the whole body rushed forward, broke open the doors, seized Sir George and his papers, and conveyed him to a carriage, which was waiting for the purpose. In this vehicle, which was drawn by six horses, Sir George was conveyed to Hanover, whence, according to the latest accounts, he was sent off to Paris. -Want of room compels me to break off thus abruptly.

Punted by Cox and Baylis, No 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Covent Garden, where former Numbers may be had; sold also by J. Budd, Crown and Mitre Pall-Mall.

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[PRICE 10D.

Vol. VI. No. 20] LONDON, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 17, 1804. "Dans les moments d'opulence, dont on a joui, on s'est enivré de sa prospérité, on s'est fait "des idées chimériques de sa puissance; on méprise ses voisins parce qu'ils sont moins riches; "on croit avoir droit de les dominer, ou du moins de les traiter cavalièrement. Soit ambition, "vanité, ignorance, qualités qui s'associent merveilleusement; on forme sans qu'on s'en apperçoive, des entreprises au-dessus de ses forces. De là les emprunts et toute cette adresse ad"mirable par laquelle on parvient à se faire un très-grand credit. Mais, comme les bommes ne sont jamais assez sages pour se corriger par une expérience, on imagine des banques pour que le papier tienne lieu de l'argent qu'on n'a pas, et bientot on soutiendra que le cridat est la source de la puissance d'un état. Vaine ressource! La richesse imaginaire des banques disparolt, et, quand on est arrivé au dernier degré de mollesse, l'on songe à défendre le commerce par la voie des armes." CANTILLON, as given by MABLY.

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LETTER IV.

TO THE RT. HON. WILLIAM PITT, ON THE CAUSES OF THE DECLINE OF GREAT BRITAIN.

PAPER MONEY SYSTEM.

SIR,--Having, in the preceding letter, pointed out what it is that I regard as marks of our national decline, I intend, in the present, to speak of what appears to me to have been, and still to be, the primary cause of that decline, namely, your Paper-Money System.

But, before I enter upon this subject, it seems necessary to revert for a minute, to notice, as relating to the degrading surrender of the Lilies, a circumstance, which, from the wish to avoid a digression, was cmitted in the foregoing letter. It was there stated, that the surrendering of this greatest of all our honours was passed over by the parliament, as a matter too triffing for the representatives of the people to meddle with; but, as I, at the same time, referred to the sentiment which you delivered in parliament, upon the subject of this "harmless feather," it would be wrong to quit the subject without stating some few particulars relating thereto.

The "harmless feather" sentiment was expressed by you in the debate of the 10th of November, 1797, upon the address to the king in consequence of his submitting to the parliament the papers relating to the then terminated negotiations at Lisle. The manner of expressing this sentiment is of importance: the words must not be view ed alone; but, in connexion with the rest of the sentence, of which they make a part. "They" [the French plenipotentiaries] now required that we, whom they had summoned to treat for a definitive treaty, should stop and discuss preliminary points: they led the conferences to vague and se

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condary matters: they insisted that his Majesty should resign the tle of King "of France, a harmless feacher at most "which his ancestors hal so ong worn in "their crown: they demanded restitution "of the hips teken at Toulon, or a ompensation, and a renunciation of any "mortgage which this county and he poss sess on the Netherlands for the loch gat

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ranteed to the Emperor " Thus, the de of King of France, was not only a harm"less father," but it was huddled in amongst objets merely pecuniary, and, consequently, vile; objects which would not be worth contending for in arms; items which would not have been disgraced by being found in the day book of a loan jobber or a jew. To the introducing of the" harmless "feather" the appearance of incident was studiously given. It seemed to drop, in passing on to more important matter. No deliberate opinion was stated; but, enough was said, to prepare the nation for the surrender, which, if necessary, upon any future occasion, you were desirous to make. Your object did not escape observation, nor did your sentiment pass unnoticed. DocTOR LAURENCE said: "The Chancellor of "the Exchequer has called his Majesty's "title of King of France a harmless fea"ther. In my opinion, Sir, no ancient "dignity, especially one which has for so many centuries shed lustre on the English crown, ought to be considered as a mere light unsubstantial ornament. It is bound up indissolubly with the honour of the "nation. If we suffer that fether to be "plucked, I fear that three other feathers, "closely connected with that crown, and

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won in the same glorious wars, will soon follow; after which who shall say that the crown and the throne itself will long be "secure? A great nation can never safely "submit to be disgraced. I wish the house "to carry their recollection back to the timɛ

"of Edward the Third, when these honours

were achieved. Of that time it was "that we had the first regular and full "records of the proceedings of Parliament. "Whether it was from the peculiar fa"vour of Providence, that we might have "always before us an example to fix our

steady and wavering courage, in noments "of terror and trepidation; or, whether "it was from the veneration of our an"cestors for this sacred relick, which they

preserved with religious care, while they "suffered less precious monuments to pe"rish; but, so the fact is, that the first

traces of the deliberations and conferen#6 ces of these houses are of that epoch, and exhibit a situation of the country, "far less favourable than the present, in every thing but the spirit of Englishmen." Sentiments like these were not, however, suffered to go forth without something to hang upon them and to destroy their ef fect. Mr. WILBERFORCE, who immediately followed Dr. Laurence in the debate, said: "I should not have offered a word upon the subject, if it had not been extorted from me by the learned gentleman who has just sitten down, and who, while he "strenuously recommended unanimity, has "made use of language very likely to pro"duce the directly contrary effect. I am sor"ry the learned gentleman did not follow the "example of my right hon. friend, the "Chancellor of the Exchequer, who purposely waved the subject introduced by "the former. To introduce that question,

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and to make it a subject of discussion, at a time when all should be harmony and "unanimity, is, in my mind, exceedingly

improper; and, therefore, I protest a"gainst what has fallen from the learn"ed gentleman." You are said to have cheered this, Sir. To have called upon the house to hear it. They heard it but too patiently; and, the enemy did not fail to profit from the discovery which, by this means, he must necessarily have made: He did not demand of you the surrender. But, is there any man in the world, who believes, that you did not make it in order to avoid that demand? or, that, if the demand had been made, you would not have yielded to it? Yes, Sir, your sentiments, supported by Mr. Wiberforce, were adopted, and acted upon too: the harmless feather was given up; but, the surrender, though varnished over with seeming indifference, has not answered the purpose intended: it has not, for one moment, slackened the pursuit of the foe: it has, on the contrary, rendered him more keenjat has emboldened him to

make demands which he would not, probably, otherwise have thought of; and, to use the words of Dr. Laurence, who shall say, that, after the plucking of this feather," the other three feathers, or even "the crown itself, will long be secure?" I know, Sir, that this will excite only a sneer amongst the excise office and customhouse politicians; but, neither their sneers nor the excessive "honesty" of Mr. Wil berforce's constituents can, in the smallest degree, alter the facts before us; and these are, that, for the space of more than four hundred years, the kings of England bore the title and insignia of kings of France; that this honour never was lost by the crown of England 'till the administration of William Pitt; that, for a hundred and fifty years down to the same administration, English seamen had seen the Dutch flag bow before them, a circumstance of which every sailor in the fleet was personally proud; and, that, it was during that administration, that the modern English first acknowledged, in acts if not in words, their fear of the French.

These are facts which nobody can deny, and which nothing can disguise from the world. It behoves us, therefore, to inquire into the cause of this change in our circum. stances and character; and, by no means to content ourselves with vague reflections upon the state of the world in general, connected with the decrees of Providence, or the doctrine of chance. "From the fatality "of the times," said you," and the gene"ral state of the world, we must consider 66 our lot as cast by the decrees of Provi"dence, in a time of peril and trouble. I "trust the temper and courage of the na "tion will conform itself to the duties of "that situation. We ought to be prepared "collectively and individually to meet it "with resignation and fortitude, &c. &c."* In this respect, it must be acknowledged, however, that you were not quite singular in your tenets, the same having before been held by Mr. Addington; and, though it may, I am aware, be contended, that he imbibed them in your school, it cannot be denied, I believe, that he has the merit of being the first openly to promulgate them. "That "the extent of the territorial power of "France is," said he," a matter of regret "is unquestionable. It cannot but be mat"ter of regret; but, it is a lot which we "have not the power of controling; we

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are not to presume to say, that the bounty

* Speech on the Address to the King relative to the present War. 23d May, 1803. See Register Vol. III. p. 1685.

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