"due time and place, for the benefit of our "country. As you seem sufficiently ap"prized that the person of the Marquis "Yrujo, is under the safeguard of the na"tion, and secured by its honour against "all violation, I need add nothing on that "head; on another, however, I may be 64 permitted to add, that if the information "respecting a letter said to have been "written by me was meant as a sample of the communications proposed to be given 66 to you, their loss will not be great; no "such letter was ever written by me, by my authority, or with my privity. With acknowledgments for this communi"cation, I tender you my salutations. "Major Jackson. T. JEFFERSON."

my

REGULATIONS OF THE DANISH GO. VERNMENT, relative to Foreigners travelling in that Country.-Dated Gluckstadt, September 13, 1804.

As his Royal Majesty, our most gracious Lord the King of Denmark and Norway, &c. &c. has from the circumstances of the times, found it necessary to publish several ordonnances and regulations, which must be observed by all travellers in the Danish dominions; in the Duchy of Schleswig and Holstein; in the Principality of Pinneberg; in the county of Rantzau, and in the city of Altona; and we have received information, that these laws of police are little or not known at all in foreign countries-a want of information which has already caused foreigners and travellers, not only the loss of time, but interruption in their journies; we have therefere made extracts from all these re gulations, as far as they regard foreigners and travellers, which we herewith officially publish.-1st. No foreigner is permitted to travel in the above-mentioned states without being provided with a written or printed pass.2d. Foreigners, who from the land side enter the Danish territory, may obtain lawful passes from the Royal Danish Legation at Hamburgh; from the Royal Danish Resident at Lubeck; or by the magistrates on that part of the frontier nearest to the place from which they desire to begin their journey in the Danish States.3d. Every person arriving by water may take a pass from the magistrates of the place of his landing.4th. No foreigners can obtain a Danish pass, who are not provided with one of their own country, or possess certificates, or other authentic documents, which prove who they are, and the object of their journey.

5th. All those who cannot prove that

they obtain an honest livelihood, as gypsies, charlatans, cheats, quacks, rope dancers, mountebanks, shewers of curiosities, wild beasts, &c. are prohibited from travelling in the Danish States, and obtain no passes.

6th. Journeymen or mechanics, who desire to travel in the Danish States, must be provided with certificates, from their. respective guilds or corporations, not above three months old from the date of their delivery, and their authority is to be verified by the signatures of the magistrates of the place, where they last worked or were employed.--7th. If husband and wife travel together, or several full grown travellers are in the same carriage, every person must be provided with a separate pass for his own person.

(To be continued.)

SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

SIR GEORGE RUMBOLD.(Continued from page 736.)-In the morning of the 25th of October, as soon as the senate heard of this violation of their territorial rights, they assembled at seven o'clock, and continued sitting till five in the afternoon. They presented, as the result of their deliberations,

a

remonstrance to the French minister, Rheinard, who denied having any know. ledge whatsoever of the transaction. The order for the arrest, it seems, was transmitted from Paris directly to Marshal Bernadotte. The senate being foiled in their a tempt to procure reparation, or even any explanation of the affair from the French minister, could only dispatch ministers to the courts of Berlin, Vienna, and Petersburgh.The British consul; fearing a similar fate, took refuge, it is said, in the house of the American consul, which is by no means the least humiliating circumstance of the transaction. The reason for this act of violence has, it is said, since been communicated to the Senate of Hamburgh by the French minister, Rheinard, who justifies the seizure of Sir George Rumbold as being concerned in a continuation of the plots ascribed to Mr. Drake! The fallacy of this pretext must be evident to the whole world; for, the intrigue of Mr. Drake, whatever might be its ultimate object, must necessarily end with the exposure made by his correspondent Mehée de la Touche, the honour of whose friendship and confidence was procured him by the "solid young states

man!" When will this nation cease to be punished, and to deserve to be punished, for the baseness of its sentiments? Mehée was, if he speaks the truth, flattered and

caressed and feasted by the sages of Downing Street, while every person that I was ac quainted with, and that talked about Mehée, openly declared him to be sent over by Buonaparté. Mehée did me the honour of a visit. He came several times to repeat it ; but, he never could get at me a second time, though he offered to communicate much secret political information. He sent me some manuscripts, for the purpose of being translated and inserted in the Register. He pretended to open a school" to teach "the French language by a new method;" and, having gotten into a quarrel with a rival schoolmaster, he wrote to me to publish a word or two in defence of "un mal"hereux royaliste, persecuté par les agens "du Corse!" I neither published his defence nor answered his letter; and, from that time I heard no more of him, till his name bursted out in a blaze upon the Continent, when I found, that though I had shut the door against him, he had been amply compensated by my more hospitable neighbours of Downing Street, a spot which Mehée has immortalized under the denomination of the paradise of fools."I have digressed into these matters in order to show, that it required no super-natural powers to avoid being deceived by Mehée de la Touche. I myself was not deceived by him; I personally know twenty people, who, from his first arrival, and to the hour of his departure, -declared him to be a spy; and, in short, every body seems to have had the means of penetrating his character and designs, except those who had at their absolute disposal, and who actually expended that year, 160,000l. in secret service money! Thus it is to be governed by a "solid young statesman." We have him yet, too. We are still blessed with his superintending prudence. He has, indeed, been removed from that particular departinent, where he formed the happy rencontre with Mehée, and this change, is, it is said, to be ascribed entirely to Mr. Canning; but, still Sir Balaam has the

*It is said, that Mr. Canning, before he would consent to take office in the present ministry, insisted that Lord Hawkesbury should be removed from the Office of Foreign Affairs. How Mr. Canning, or any such person, should become possessed of a similar influence, would astonish one in any other times than the present; but, that the fact was as is above stated, appears to have been strongly corroborated by Mr. Canning himself, in his speech of the 18th of June last, where he took an opportunity of stating

consolation to reflect, that the "prudence" of his lordship is not altogether laid upon the shelf.-The connexion with Mehée de la Touche has been mighty, and may yet be more mighty, in its consequences.-Lord Hawkesbury, in his Circular Letter of the 30th of April, 1803, declares to all foreign courts, in His Majesty's name, that the accusation preferred against the English government by the French government, founded upon the correspondence of Drake and Mchée,"may justly be presumed to have "been brought forward for the sole purpose "of diverting the attention of Europe from "the contemplation of that sanguinary deed, "which, in violation of the law of nations, "and of the plainest dictates of honour and "humanity, has been recently perpetrated "by the direct order of the First Consul of "France." Now, if this presumption was founded in justice, of which, I dare say, the ministerial writers will not suffer us to doubt, it follows, that though the intrigue of Mehée and Mr. Drake might not have caused the arrest and the execution of the Duke D'Enghien, yet, that, if the intrigue had not existed, the French would not have

the grounds upon which he had joined the new ministry. "I shall," said he, " content myself with vindicating my own con"sistency. I objected to the administration "of foreign affairs, and that has been

changed," &c. &c. &c. See the Parliamentary Debates, Volume II. p. 722.Now, nothing can qualify the meaning of this sentence. It is complete in sense, as well as in grammatical construction. It was spoken in Parliament; it is upon record in the proceedings of that body; and, however great our wonder may be that Mr. Canning should have acquired so much influence in the state, every one must be convinced that he exerted it for the purpose of effecting the removal of Lord Hawkesbury from the Of fice of Foreign Affairs. Any one of patriotism less ardent and persevering than that of his lordship, having been thus far removed, would have removed a little farther of his own accord; but, he has, as it was well remarked in a pamphlet published in his defence," an bereditary disposition to office." This is certainly a disposition that runs in the blood. It prevails, more or less generally, in all countries. There are families in America, who were always in office under the royal government, and who, in some shape or other, still stick to the state. No change of leaders or of rulers, no storms of any kind, can "shake the settled purpose "of their souls."

had the means of thus " diverting the at"tention of Europe from the contemplation "of that sanguinary deed." And, in truth, it is not at all improbable, that, if it had not been for the intrigue of Mehée, the Duke D'Enghien would at this moment have been alive; for, it was that intrigue which furnished the French with a pretext for violating the laws of neutrality. It is certain that they are not very scrupulous in this way; but, without some such pretext, it is hardly to be believed, that they would have committed such an act.That they would have seized Mr. Drake himself, or Mr. Spencer Smith, there can be no doubt, under the same pretext; and, as was before observed, it is stated, that, upon this pretext only, they have now seized Sir George Rumbold. That they had no right to seize Sir George Rumbold is certain, even if they knew him to have been concerned in the intrigue of Mehée de la Touche; but, is it not to be lamented, that they should have such a pretence, even such a threadbare shew of justice, for such terrible acts of aggression ?—————In a former page of this present number will be found a copy of the note, which, on the part of His Majesty, is to be laid before the ministers of the King of Prussia, upon this subject; and, it is understood, that a note to the same purpose, varying only according to the local situation, rights, and powers, of the different sovereigns, has been addressed to all the courts of Europe. That it was perfectly proper to take this step nobody will deny; though, I think, some persons will ask why it was not taken at the time of the seizure of the Duke

D'Enghien; and will think, perhaps, that it would have been even more becoming in that than in the present case. It is, how ever, much to be feared, that this appeal will have little or no effect upon the courts of Europe, whom Mr. Wilberforce appears to have, at last, happily succeeded in convincing, that we are much too honest a people for them to have any thing to do with. "Gentlemen" (said he to his honest Yorkshire constituents, at the last general election) "Gentlemen, I trust, it will be our "future policy to abstain, as far as possible, "from those continental connexions, for "which I had almost said the very integrity " and good faith of the ministers and pro"ple of this country render us unfit, inas"much as we cannot keep, or break, our

engagements according as it suits the con"venience of the present moment, in the "fluctuating state of human affairs We "shall, I trust. cultivate our own internal # resources, and endeavour to reuder our

people secure, prosperous and contented." Was there ever any thing so outrageously insulting as this? Is it not an indiscriminate charge against the powers of the Continent, that they keep, or break, their engagements, just as it suits their convenience; and, that therefore, our integrity and good faith render us unfit to have any thing to do with them? Various are the means of giving offence; but, for my part, I know of none so sure to succeed, either with individuals or with nations, as that cool placid insolence, which is displayed in those accusations, where the accusor takes it for granted that the superiority of his virtue is not to be questioned. Our superiority in this respect is questioned, as any one may discover, who will take the trouble to read the notes ad dressed to Talleyrand, in answer to his circular letter upon the subject of Messrs. Drake and Mehée*. It will be said, and that truly too, that many of these answers were written under the influence of fear; but, without stopping to compare the relative merit of the motives of Mr. Wilberforce's address and that of the addresses of the foreign ministers at Paris, we know, that the fact is, that a far greater part, nay, almost all the courts of Europe, did, upon the occasion referred to, very handsomely repay the compliment of that gentleman: they very explicitly expressed their horror of the conduct of Mr. Drake. Mr. Spencer Smith, who fled from a neighbouring court, from apprehensions similar to those of Mr. Drake, was, it is said, ordered to leave Vienna, Saltsbourg, and Dresden, and that, thus hunted from place to place, he, at last, sought shelter at Stralsund, whence he got across to Gottenberg, and thence came to England. Whoever reflects upon these circumstances, must, I think, participate in the fear which I cannot help entertaining, that our appeal to the cabinets of Europe will produce very little effect, especially as we made no such appeal in the case of the Duke D'Enghien. The ministerial writers think, or would appear to think, differently; and, in this respect, I most heartily wish their opinions may prove more correct than mine.

THE SPANISH FRIGATES.It is easy' to perceive, that this capture, attended, aɛ it was, with such melancholy circumstances

*Some of these were inserted in Vol. V. p. 606. The rest are inserted in the present Number, for which purpose they have been translated. The Swedish note never was published. All the rest are to be found in the Register.

fleet?" Oh! but what is to become "of our manufactures and agriculture?" -Both of them, I undertake to prove, against whosoever will engage me, would, from this cause, meet with less obstruction than they now meet with. Supposing the contrary, however, and admitting the correctness of my previous proposition, the question then will be, whether we shall lose our independence, or a part of our trade.

But; our liberties, political and civil; "are they nothing?" Yes; after our na

tional glory, they are not only something, but they are every thing; for, speaking as a politician, one may safely say to a peo-ple : "maintain your glory and your "liberties, and all other things shall be "given unto you." At a time when it was feared, and reasonably feared, that a standing army. which was not wanted to -preserve the independence of the country, would be made use of to deprive the people of their liberties, not excepting the liberty of conscience; then, indeed, there was good foundation for objecting to standing armies. But, it is preposterousness bordering upon insanity to apply in this respect, the maxims of those times to the present; and, it is truly curious to observe, that those ministers who have, from their endless inconsistencies, deserved and obtained the distinctive appellation of "mi

nisters of existing circumstances," and who are tossed to and-fro by the transient occurrences of the day, remain totally insensible to the great change in the circumstances of the world! It has been over and over again said, but it never can be too often repeated, that Europe is now become military; that the age of commerce and of luxury is now yielding to that of arms and of hardiness; that the soldier is abroad in pursuit of glory, of conquest, and dominion; and, it remains for us to determine, and that right quickly too, whether we will be his rivals or his slaves. But, in narrowing our view of this part of the subject, what danger is there, that our political or civil liberties would suffer from a change of our multifarious and, for the most part, inefficient half million of troops, into a reguJar army of 200,000 men? Has the liberty of election ever been injured by the standing army? And could it possibly be in so much danger from a standing army of $200,000 men, as it now is from the volunteers? As to the liberty of the press, does any one think that a standing army would enable the minister of the day to silence of to buy up completely more than nine-tenths of the newspapers, magazines, and reviews?

With regard to personal safety, will it be pretended that a regular soldier could, with impunity, do more than kill any man that should dare to laugh at his awkwardness? And, as to every kind of liberty taken together, will any one gravely contend, that the liberty of Ireland, for instance, would be greatly endangered by the erection of a numerous, and well-appointed and commanded standing army? Now, mark me, Balaam, I do not mean to insinuate, that the

tot, suspension and martial law bills were not, in existing circumstance" necessary to the safety of Ireland; but, I positively assert, that, if, in the year 1803, we had had an army of 200,000 real soldiers, those circumstances never would have existed; because, we should have been in no danges of a French invasion of either England or Ireland, and it was that danger, and that danger only, that rendered the insurrection in Ireland formidable; and, indeed, it was the same circumstance that created the insurrection itself. The erection of a large army of real soldiers, so far from endanger ing the liberties we now possess, appears to me, therefore, to be the most effectual, the most speedy, and the only means of enabling our Sovereign and his parliament safely to restore those which we have lost.

LLOYDS' FUND.The committee at Lloyd's had, I thought, at last, per ceived the propriety of desisting from their purpose of becoming the judges of military merit and the distributors of military rewards, when, to my utter astonishment, I found that they not only persevered in distributing rewards; but, that they had begun to distribute military honours also. This subject is very well treated in the fol lowing letter, taken from the Morning Advertiser. Sir, my attention was ver "much attracted the other day, by a most "pompous description of a design enter"tained by the managers of the Patriotic "Fund, at Lloyds, for giving badges of ho

66

nour and distinction to such persons em"ployed in the service of their country, as they may judge worthy of them. What a strange desire do men often manifest to step out of their own sphere! Here is a new order of knighthood to be establish"ed, which it is no doubt hoped will in "time rival that of the Garter or the Bath. "We have been accustomed hitherto to "think the King was the sole fountain of "honour; and that this was one of his "most distinguished prerogatives. But, "thanks to our Committee at Lloyd's, they "intend to correct this vulgar prejudice, "and to crop the King's prerogative in this