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the death-warrant of four fifths of their constituents, whose voices had given them their legislative existence.*

The two grand objects, which engrossed the exclusive attentions of Primate Boulter, who might properly be termed the English minister in Ireland, were doing good in the Church and supporting the English interest, "which said his grace to the

• In the debate upon the question of readmitting the Catholics to the elective franchise in the Irish house of Commons on the 4th of February, 1793, Mr. Stanley, in reply to an envenomed Philippic of one of the two, who opposed the bill against the body and principles of the Catholics, in which he said that they had been prohibited to vote at a much earlier period by the act of Ann, which had annexed the oaths of allegiance and abjuration to the exercise of their elective franchise, observed, that this was an additional argument against the policy of the act of George II. for if those oaths "were univer"sally taken by Catholic voters during the reign of Queen Ann and George I. to qualify them to exercise their franchise, as it is well known it was the "fact, their acquiescence and taking these oaths was the strongest test they "could give of their attachment to the state, and should have entitled them to "the confidence of the nation: and therefore it is clear they were not excluded "from voting, nor was it intended they should be by those oaths, for it was "well known, that the Catholics voted in the election of that very parliament of "George II. which afterwards disfranchised them." The learned member, from the general dearth of historical documents, and probably from a designed suppression of facts in this instance, was obliged to resort to the traditionary reports of that act to elucidate the history of its passing. "It was said that "the Catholics having by their interest voted Lord Dunkellin out of the coun"ty of Galway, returned his opponent. Lord Dunkellin had influence enough with the minister of that day, to introduce that clause depriving the Catho"lics of their franchise into the act of George II." He himself discredited the rumour, because he said that he had discovered, that there was no Lord Dunkellin of that day capable of being a candidate for the county of Galway. Unwritten reports of such transactions are not simply to be relied on; but when they are fairly canvassed in all their bearings upon facts, which are prov ed by undeniable documents, they often help mainly to the elucidation of the history of those times. The interest of the Clanrickarde family has been always considered to carry the county of Galway, and if by the exertion of the Catholics, another person had been returned, it was very natural that Lord Clanrickarde and his son Lord Dunkellin who had been called up to the House of Lords in 1710, should have resented it, and used their endeavours with the minister of the day (i. e. Primate Boulter) to punish and revenge themselves of the Catholics, by whose influence in the late election the interest of that noble family had been defeated. They were the first Protestants of their family, and then supporters of the English interest: strong reasons for the Catholics not supporting their interest in the county election; strong reasons for the primate's crushing their and all the Catholics power to op pose the English interest in future. However inaccurate the report might have been in confounding the person of Lord Dunkellin with the interest of Portumna, the circumstances which are notorious all combine to prove the remaining part of the report to be strictly true: namely, that the disfranchising clause was introduced by way of amendment, through ministerial influence for a particular purpose and unavowed ends. On one and the same day (9th of February, 1727,) Dr. Trotter reported from the committee of the whole house that they had gone through and agreed to the bill with some amendments, (viz, the disfranchising clause) which were also read and agreed to, and Dr. Trotter was directed to attend the lord lieutenant with the said heads of the bill to be transmitted into Great Britain in due form. 3 Journ. Com. p. 522.

Archbishop of Canterbury" labours under great disadvantages in this country.* This is little to be wondered at, when it is considered that the bulk of the nation was not of the established Church, nor in the occasion of participating of any of the patronage of the English interest: they were therefore estranged from any prepossessions in the favour of these two objects: their miseries were alleviated by no substitution of favour or indulgence. The stagnation of trade and want of employment in the manufactures, in part occasioned and in part aggravated the scarcity of the years 1728 and 1729. The first session of the parliament under George II. which ended in May, 1728, went over without opposition: insomuch that the lord lieutenant, in closing the session took an opportunity of observing, that all the public bills transmitted from thence had been returned under the great seal of Great Britain; which distinguishing instance of his majesty's regard for the parliament of Ireland, was one of the happy effects of that remarkable application and unanimity, which had appeared in all their proceedings.

It is evident, that at this period Ireland was entirely ruled by the principles of an English interest: Primate Boulter who directed and supported that interest, admits that the Catholics were then in the proportion of five to one Protestant: but they were generally poor and indigent, consequently the more sensible to the national wants and calamities. So far then was this great mass of the Irish people from being soothed under the general suffering, that they were surprised into the forfeiture of their elective franchise, and an act was made for §preventing

* 1 Vol. p. 175. "But (said he) the services I can do will be much lessen"ed, if I am not supported in my station."

† 1 Vol. p. 205. The primate was indefatigable in his efforts to mend the "state of the Church, by getting more glebes, churches, and chapels of ease, "that we may in time have churches and resident ministers to answer our "wants, for at present many of our people go off to the Papists or Presbyte"rians for want of churches to repair to." And p. 223, " For want of which, "instead of getting ground of the Papists, we must lose to them, as in fact we "do in many places, the descendants of Cromwell's officers and soldiers here "being gone off to Popery."

3 Journ. Com. p. 570.

Whilst this bill was pending, some Catholics of Dublin and Cork had set on foot a subscription to defray the expences of raising an opposition to it: when one Hennesy, an interdicted priest, gave information, that this collection was made for the purpose of bringing in Popery and the Pretender. Upon which the papers of these gentlemen were seized and submitted to the inspec tion of the House of Commons: and it appears from their printed report, that the whole sum collected had not exceeded 57.: the committee however resolved, that it appeared to them, that under colour of opposing heads of bills, great sums of money had been collected and raised and a fund established by the Popish inhabitants of the kingdom, through the influence of their clergy, highly detrimental to the Protestant interest; and of imminent danger to the present happy establishment: and therefore resolved further, that an humble address should be presented to the lord lieutenant to issue his proclamation to

VOL. II.

Papists practising as solicitors; which was the only branch of the law, they were then permitted to practise. In order to draw the public mind from the consideration of this new penal rigour imposed upon the Catholics in this hour of national calamity, the lord lieutenant set forth in the most glowing terms of congratulatory solace, "his majesty's gracious condescension in "departing from his own right by lessening his hereditary re"venue for the ease of his subjects and encouragement of trade, "which shewed his majesty's concern for the welfare and hap"piness of the kingdom, as well as many other signal marks of "his majesty's goodness, that must evince them, that his ma"jesty had nothing more at heart, than the interest and prospe"rity of his people." He then enumerated or alluded to the most popular acts passed in the session, as the foundation laid for the encrease of tillage so necessary in the country, the new advantages given for the improvement of the linen manufactory, the care taken for regulating the assize of bread, the establishing a fund for the work-house, and for employing the poor in the populous city of Dublin, the relief given to unfortunate debtors, the regulations made for future elections (by abolishing the right of voting in four fifths of the nation), the reducing the parliamentary privileges of the members for the ease and benefit of their fellow subjects, and those other excellent laws then passed for erecting churches where they were most wanted, for the maintenance of the clergy, and for preserving and strengthening the Protestant interest of that kingdom.

In the course of this session two instances occurred which strongly prove how far the English and Protestant interests were identified in the words and actions of the Irish govern

ment.

all magistrates to put the laws against Popery into execution. Cur. St. of the Catholic of Ireland, p. 257. This circumstance goes to prove, that the clause for disfranchising the whole body of Catholics was not in the heads of the bill, or it is more than probable, that they would have instituted a collection to oppose a bill, that affected every individual of the body in so important a point, rather than a bill, which could not have affected threescore of that description.

3 Journ. Com. p. 570.

Primate Boulter in giving an account of the session to the Duke of Newcastle, three days after it closed (1 vol. p. 242), says, "As my lord lieutenant "did his part towards procuring a quiet session of parliament, so I must do "that justice to the rest of the English in power here to say, that we were not "in the least wanting in our several stations to promote the same good." And before the session was over, in giving an account of the opposition to the privilege bill, the primate says: "the greatness of the opposition was owing to the "management of the Bishop of Elphin (Theophilus Bolton promoted to the "see of Cashell in 1729) who put himself at the head of those lords and others, "who constantly oppose the government business here, and by misrepresen "tations drew in some other lords of no ill intention to engage their word and "honour to each other to throw out the bill. His view no doubt was to make "himself considerable enough by being at the head of this strength to be bought

It happened that a Mr. Allan Brodrick, son to the late chancellor of Ireland (who held the seals from the 1st of October 1714, to the 1st of May, 1725), had been made one of the commissioners of the customs in England: and although the Brodericks had never been charged with any affection to Popery or to the Pretender (the chancellor had been appointed to succeed Sir Constantine Phipps, as being of opposite principles), though well wishers to Ireland, yet even this remote mark of royal favour gave so much offence to the primate, that he complained in several letters on the same day both to the lord lieutenant and the Duke of Newcastle," that any thing which looked as if that "family (the Brodericks) was in favour in England might give "them spirit and engage others to join with them in perplexing "matters the approaching session of parliament." And, we are apprehensive it may give too much spirit to the Brodericks here, and be made use of by them to engage others to obstruct "the king's business in parliament."

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The family of Clanrickard had conformed to the established religion in the days of Queen Anne: and the head of that noble family, in dedicating his ancestors' memoirs and letters to King George the IId. in 1757, did not scruple to boast of the cause, for which his family had suffered. He had been educated at Eton and Oxford, and was called to the upper house by the title of Lord Dunkellin during his father's life, on the 3d of August 1711, and upon his father's death sat in the House of Peers, as the tenth Earl of Clanrickard in the parliament of 1725. He had made an application to the king to be restored to all that had been forfeited by his ancestors, who had at all times been conspicuous for their loyalty and attachment to their sovereign, and the measure had been graciously assented to by his majesty. But the reversion of so much landed influence into the hands of an Irish family, though Protestant, was considered by the English interest in Ireland to contravene their system, which never could be long supported by the native interest of that country. A most violent opposition was therefore raised against the measure in the commons, which for the present completely defeated all the influence of that noble family with the king, and diverted his majesty from his benevolent disposition in their regard. They artfully avoided wounding the feelings of the noble lord, by pointing at his particular case, and formed a re

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off. One part of the push he now made was to get all the lay lords here to "confederate against the bishops, who must always be depended upon for doing "the king's business. But as he has miscarried in his attempt, and has offend"ed all sides, so as to be in no danger of appearing again at the head of so "many lords as he did now, I hope his behaviour will be remembered when "he or his friends push for the archbishopric of Dublin for him." (Letter to Lard Townsend, p. 240.)

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"have had three bad harvests together there, which has made "oatmeal, which is their great subsistence, much dearer than "ordinary." His grace then complains of American agents seducing the people, with prospects of happier establishments, across the Atlantic; and adds, "they have been better able to "seduce people by reason of the necessities of the poor of late. "The people that go from hence make great complaints of the oppressions they suffer here, not from the government, but "from their fellow subjects of one kind or another, as well as "of the dearness of provisions, and say these oppressions are. one reason of their going." The primate then assures the duke, that 3100 had in the preceding summer been shipped off from thence for the West-Indies, and he draws a lamentable picture of the new miseries they voluntarily undertake to encounter rather than continue under the oppression they suffered at home. One would naturally suppose, that the chief of these unfortunate emigrants had been from that body of the people, who not only felt the common hand of oppression upon them, but who were groaning under an unprecedented code of severity, from which the Protestants were wholly exempted. Yet continues his grace," the whole north is in a ferment at present (i. e. the "23d of November 1728), and people every day engaging one "another to go the next year to the West-Indies. The hu"mour has spread like a contagious distemper, and the people "will hardly hear any body, that tries to cure them of their "madness. The worst is, that it affects only Protestants, and "reigns chiefly in the North, which is the seat of our linen "manufacture. This unsettled state puts almost a stop to trade, "and the more so, as several, who were in good credit before "have taken up parcels of goods on trust and disposed of them, " and are gone off with the money, so that there is no trade here "but for ready money."

It is lamentable to observe the Primate labouring to trace these discontents even in the Protestant Irish from any other than the real cause. "We have had under our consideration how to put some stop to this growing evil: we think by some

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it in their power to resist or avoid distress and oppression by means, which the other more wretched and impoverished parts of the kingdom were unable to command. For the sake of humanity I am loath to draw the conclusion, which an unbiassed spectator of this state of Ireland cannot shut out from his mind that it was the ill-fated system of government at that time, to keep up the English interest in the country by the extreme wretchedness and debasement of the natives. Though I reluctantly view these inhuman principles beretofore acted upon in Ireland, I sympathize with that part of the British empire, in the joyful conviction, that its incorporate union with Great Britain has eternally closed that infelicity of Ireland, and ensured her against the rueful consequences of supporting any factitious ascendency over the people of

Ireland.

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