plary loyalty of the Irish nation under the severest trials and provocations. On the 2d of June, 1779, Lord Shelburne (now Marquis of Lansdowne) stated to the British House of Peers the following proposition relative to the state of Ireland:* That an humble address should be presented to his majesty, requesting that his majesty would be graciously pleased to order to be laid before that house, an account of such steps as had been taken in consequence of the address of that house of the 11th of May, and of his majesty's most gracious answer thereto; and humbly to recommend to his majesty, if his royal prerogative, as vested in his majesty by the constitution, be not adequate to the relief of the acknowledged distressed and impoverished state of his majesty's loyal and well-deserving subjects of Ireland, that he would be pleased to continue the parliament of that kingdom, as then assembled, and give immediate orders for calling forthwith his parliament of Ireland, that their just complaints might be fully considered and remedied without delay, that the wanted union of affection might be preserved between both kingdoms, always desirable, but in the present situation of public affairs, absolutely essential and indispensable to the preservation and welfare of both, and that the united strength of Great Britain and Ireland might in due time, and with due effect, be exercised under the blessing of God against the com

mon enemy.

This proposition the noble earl prefaced with a speech of great political information and unusual energy and brilliancy. He was severe upon the ministers, to whose account he laid the distressed situation of his country, and on that ground avowedly was the first part of the proposition opposed; Lord Weymouth disapproving of the proposition, because it contained an implied censure on government, which they by no means "deserved." Amongst a great variety of political topics, which the noble earl's speech embraced, not immediately relevant to the state of Ireland, we gather from the mouth of that great statesman several most valuable documents illustrative of the history of that critical period. His financial view of that kingdom was, that in the year 1750 the public debt of Ireland was under half a million, that since that she had contracted 1,000,000%. funded, and 600,000%. unfunded, besides the 300,000%. borrowed upon public faith, for which no taxes had been yet appropriated; so that the whole debt amounted to full three millions in twenty years; fifteen of which contained a period of a peace establishment, and, of course, a peace expenditure: but contrary to every idea of good government, and national economy, by much the greater part of the debt was contracted during the latter period, till at length the new taxes were unequal to the annual outgoings, and at that time the receipts at the Irish treasury were short to the amount of 300,0004, per annum.

The internal critical state of the country at that moment next drew his attention, which he urged, had been grossly overlooked by the king's ministers, and he expressed his astonishment at 13 Parl. Deb. p. 387. † 13 Parl. Deb. p. 390.

hearing from the noble lord at the head of the council (Gower, now Marquis of Stafford) that nothing could be done for Ireland till the next session. Situated, said his lordship, as affairs were, it would be dangerous to delay the business; that the necessities of Ireland called for immediate relief, and that it would be absurdity in the extreme to let the Irish remain unsatisfied for seven or eight months longer. He considered the matter in a variety of different points of view, and said, that leaving the whole to rest upon a resolution so vague and indeterminate as that, which had been carried in both houses, and which, in fact, prescribed no specific line of procedure, might be construed into an intention to do nothing, but a mere design to get over the summer, to set the war upon its legs, and then to suffer the distresses of Ireland to remain unattended to, and unredressed. When the amendment to the noble marquis's motion was first proposed, he declared he was very far from having this opinion of it himself; on the contrary, he thought that ministry shewed rather more readiness than became them, and seemed willing to do too much; he appealed to their lordships in whose memory he stood, whether he had not on that day been the single peer to cry out, doucement, whether he had not stood up alone and said, "Gently, take care what you do, don't promise too much, "for fear you should not be able to perform all that you say you'll do; if your performance fall short of your promise, de66 pend upon it you will do more mischief than good, and exas66 perate Ireland more than ever." The resolution carried on that day had already got over to Ireland, and there would certainly be two opinions upon it, the severe and cautious men, naturally prone to doubt, would say immediately, " This is nothing, this "is mere fallacy, government being afraid of us just now, have "done this with a view to quiet us for the present, and when "they have at all surmounted the difficulties in which their "affairs are involved, they will, as usual turn a deaf ear to our complaints, it being evidently their intention to give us no relief, if they can possibly avoid it." Another very different opinion would doubtless prevail with those who were inclined to think better of government and this country: they would say, "Stop, don't go so fast, read the resolution again; good God! 66 was it not carried unanimously in both houses of parliament? "Did England ever do so much for us before? Only see the "drift of it, see the wording of it, and consider, that the whole "has been done in the most kind and flattering manner possible." His lordship placed these two opinions in contrast, and appealed to the house, whether in common policy and prudence it would not be right to encourage and support the latter, and give as little room as possible to warrant and countenance the former? What would prove most faithful to this, he declared, was the language of a noble lord in another place. The premier had said, that no individual could form a plan for the relief of Ireland; that it was out of his power; that next session the proper accounts should be laid before both the English and Irish parHaments, and the business must be done by them; but that the

did not think the complaints of Ireland well timed, for that this country had done more for her within the last three years than had been done for her nine years before. His lordship said he had turned this language again and again in his mind, and he was yet at a loss to divine the meaning of the noble lord. He was sure, however, it would give most serious alarm to the other kingdom, that they would construe it as an indication, that nothing would be done for them; that the two parliaments would be suffered to rub against each other, prejudice and jealousy to meet prejudice and jealousy, and that the minister, whose essential duty it was to reconcile all differences of opinion between the two countries, to smooth the minds of those who were inclined to be ruffled, and to pacify and quiet the uneasy, only took upon himself the office of clearing the stage, and letting them dispute it out among themselves. He called upon the house to recollect, that the American war had commenced upon less provocation than this country had given Ireland. The simple idea of the right of taxation had caused it. Let their lordships reflect, that from the time of the remonstrances of America, to her declaration of independency, was only eleven months: let them look at the language of Ireland at present, they would find it much higher, than that of America had been at the time he mentioned; let them consider, that in every point of view, Ireland stood more forward now than America had done immediately previous to the origin of the war, and let them ask themselves, if it were wise to suffer Ireland to remain in discontent for seven months longer?

True it is, that the Marquis of Lansdowne, as well as the late Earl Nugent, the Marquis of Hertford, and several other great personages, who took a lead in the debates upon the Irish concerns, had considerable interest in that kingdom; a circumstance, which must have drawn their observation the more closely to the real interests of that country, without abandoning those of Great Britain, in which they had as great or larger stakes: but their opinions, however interested they may have been, were in perfect unison with those of the greatest statesmen and most constitutional characters of that day in both our houses of parliament, who had no personal interest in or concerns with Ireland. Thus the late Lord Camden doubted much, whether the learned lord on the woolsack understood the motion he had so fully commented on. Circumstances had altered since the last day; the people of Ireland were in a ferment, he would not say ripe for insurrection. Something had been promised, nothing had been done. The language of ministers, particularly of the noble lord in the other house, at the head of the finances, is, "nothing can be done in time." The learned lord confesses it, though he has not used the very words. What then will be the probable result of such a conduct? The patient dies, while the physicians are consulting what to prescribe: the people, in the last stage of anguish and despair, call for immediate redress. What, on the other hand, does the present motion ultimately end to? That the parliament of Great Britain, instead of empty,

general promises, a hundred times violated, and on which, of course, Ireland cannot depend, call for some substantial proof of British or ministerial sincerity. "Give us some one instance, "to shew that you are sincere and in earnest," say the people of Ireland. "Call the parliament of both kingdoms, to consult "and deliberate in their respective assemblies," echoes the address," in order to come to some specific proposition, before it "be too late; or if that be thought too much," says the address, "let us make some progress; let the necessary documents on "both sides the water be procured; and let us, at a season of "more leisure, proceed upon some certain specific propositions, "intended as the basis of all future proceedings, by which means "Great Britain may determine on the great line, though not the "detail, of her intended concessions; and Ireland may know what she will have good reasonable grounds to expect."

The late Duke of Manchester, on this occasion, evinced a most remarkable penetration into the continental politics of that day; and were his speech now read without a date, it would be supposed to have been spoken rather at the close of, than ten years previous to the French revolution. His Grace said, he had the highest opinion of the loyalty of the people of Ireland, in case the French landed as an enemy come to conquer. He had no fears, that the 12,000 men now illegally armed in that country, would join with a foreign invader: by every thing he could learn, they were too brave, too loyal, and too much attached to sentiments of humanity, ever to tamely submit to a foreign yoke, much less assist in forging and riveting their own chains. The alarm created in his mind was of a very different nature. It was the new adopted policy of France, not to appear as an invader of the rights and liberties of others, but the protector of them, the friend of human kind and of the public, at least, of municipal liberty. The French creed, respecting the dependances of the British empire, was independency, freedom, no restrictive laws upon trade, an exercise of natural rights, restrained only by law and liberal policy. On this system, the great outline of French politics had been newly modelled: and he had certain information, that French emissaries had been in Ireland for some time past, endeavouring to alienate the minds of the people there, as they had so effectually done in America.

Whatever the real intentions of France might be, if she should effect the landing of a considerable force in that kingdom, he had every reason to be persuaded that it would not act as an enemy, however it might be received; in his opinion, therefore, it was indispensably necessary for that house and parliament to adopt such speedy measures as might promise to defeat impres sions, which, if not timely counteracted, might, from circumstances of actual misery, and the despair arising from it, be productive of the most fatal consequences.

Of all the lords who took a part in this debate, Lord Townshend was certainly the best qualified to speak the most pointedly, fairly, and instructively, upon the state of Ireland at that critical period. His lordship spoke in favour of the motion; described

the disposition of the people of Ireland; the sentiments of the established church, the dissenters, and the Roman Catholics; the state of the army; the number of people illegally armed there; the face of the country; its rivers, fortresses, &c.: from all which he shewed the imminent danger of the alternative, of the French landing there in a hostile or friendly manner.

He then drew a comparison between our conduct towards Ireland and America. The first, loyal, affectionate, patient under the greatest miseries and oppressions; the latter, factious, rebellious, ungrateful, and perfidious, in the midst of plenty, and after receiving a series of accumulated favours.

What was our conduct toward them? They only sue in the most humble and dutiful manner, to loosen the fetters that gall them, and rankle by their intolerable weight, and eat to the very bone. What is our answer? Break your chains if you can, or perish. What is the answer to the haughty and insolent demands of the traitorous Americans, leagued with an inveterate and ambitious enemy for our total destruction; who have already drawn so much of our best blood, and have been the cause of our spending so many millions of our treasure, wrung from the very vitals of the people? You shall be free; you shall pay no taxes; we will not interfere with your internal government; you shall be bound by no restrictions on your trade and com

merce.

After contrasting those circumstances in a very pointed manner, he shewed the impolicy and injustice of delaying to grant with a good grace, what, if refused, must be the consequence of even an accommodation with America; namely, that after the conclusion of the present war, the people of Ireland would migrate to America in pursuit of a free trade, and a milder and happier constitution of government; that they would carry thither their manufactures which wanted nothing, but the circumstances he had mentioned to bring them to the utmost perfec tion; that of course, the only single question was, whether trade and commerce, a fruitful soil, and numerous inhabitants, bound to this country by every motive of affection and interest, were preferable to the same riches, industry, and effective strength, just as much in our power to every good or wise purpose, as if they resided within the island of Great Britain.

His lordship then entered into particulars, and deprecated the consequences which, he foresaw, would immediately follow a refusal on our part. Supposing we were able to spare such a force as might promise to keep the people there in awe, twelve or fifteen thousand men encamped in the southern, centre, or northern part of that kingdom; if, for instance, the importation of all commodities of British growth or manufacture, should be prohibited; or suppose, on the other hand, that the people should resolve not to permit the exportation of beef or butter, what would our manufacturers do in one instance; what would our fleets and distant armies do in the other, if a general defection among the body of the people, even among the very magistrates, should prevail? Why, while your army in the north may be em