the house upon Mr. Flood's motion on the 19th of July, 1782,* for leave to bring in the heads of a bill for declaring the sole and exclusive right of the Irish parliament to make laws in all cases whatsoever internal and external for the kingdom of Ireland. The death of the Marquis of Rockingham had occasioned dissensions in the British cabinet, which obliged Mr. Fox, Lord. John Cavendish, Mr. Burke, and other of his friends to resign. He could not submit to remain in a cabinet, in which he and his friends, who had come in and acted uniformly upon an open principle, were outvoted; he had declared before the death of the Marquis, that if certain measures were carried in the cabinet, he should resign; and as they had been carried since his death, he did resign, disdaining to be responsible for measures he disapproved of, or to lend his name to a system, in which he had no share. In the new arrangement of Lord Shelburne's adminis *9 Journ Com. p. 378. The journals merely say, it passed in the nega tive. Mr. Dobbs says in his history, p. 121, "that the minority on that day consisted only of six." †The new arrangement was as follows: The Earl of Shelburne Lord Grantham R. Jackson, Esq. - To be first lord of the Treasury, vice the Marquis of Rockingham. 2 Principal Secretaries of State, vice the Earl of Shelburne and Mr. Fox. S -Chancellor of the Exchequer, vice Lord John Ca- Lords of the Treasury, vice Lord Althorpe and Lords of the Admiralty, vice Lord Duncannon and Hon. J. Townsend. --Paymaster of the Forces, vice Edmund Burke, Esq. Henry Dundas, Esq. lord To be treasurer of the Navy, vice Colonel Barrè. advocate lord} Sir George Yonge, Bart.-Secretary at war, vice T. Townshend, Esq. Hon. William Wyndham Secretary to ditto, vice Colonel Fitzpatrick. Grenville The following account of this change of administration, from the Annual Register for the year, is attributed to a principal member of the late administration, Mr. Burke. The short space of time that intervened between the death of the Marquis of Rockingham and the prorogation of parliament, afforded no opportunity of discovering in what manner the House of Commons stood affected towards the changes that had taken place in the administration of public affairs, in consequence of the former event. The weight of the new minister in that assembly, either from political connexion, from private friendships or public favour, was known to be very inconsiderable; and the support which he might otherwise have derived from the power of the crown, was likely to be much reduced by the operation of the bill of reform, and by the steady attachment of most of those members, who either owed their seats to the influence of government, or were led by a sort of principle to give a general support to administration, under the auspices of a noble lord, one of his predecessors in office. The recess of parliament was therefore considered as a circumstance highly favourable to the minister, and was tration, which took place on the 13th of July, 1782, Lord Temple (now the marquis of Buckingham) was fixed upon to succeed the Duke of Portland in the viceregency of Ireland. Every possible doubtless employed in endeavouring to form such alliances amongst the parties out of power as might ensure some degree of strength and permanence to his administration. A reunion of the Whigs was the favourite expectation of the public, and anxiously looked for by those who equally dreaded the revival of the old system, and the mischiefs of a weak and unsettled government. It does not however appear, that any advances were made towards effecting such an accommodation; to which there appear indeed to have been insuperable diffi culties, from the industry with which the friends of each party laboured to throw the blame both of the schism and failure on the other. On the part of those who had retired from the service of government, it was urged, that as the appointment of the noble earl to the highest office in administration was one of the principal causes of the division that ensued, so it continued to be the chief obstacle to a reunion. It was indeed absurd to expect, that his complaisance to his enemies should carry him so far as to enter into a treaty, of which he was himself to be the first sacrifice; and it was not more reasonable, they said, to suppose that those who continued to act with him, how much soever they might disapprove of his principles, or censure the measures he was carrying on, (a conduct which some of them did not scruple to pursue) would be willing to descend from situations, in which, by the removal of their former friends, they stood as principals, in order to act subordinate parts again in conjunction with them. These insinuations were combated, on the other side, by studiously representing the cause of dissension to have been a mere personal contest for power; and by charging their opponents with holding opinions of a dangerous nature, trenching on the most undoubted prerogative of the crown, that of choosing its own ministers, and consequently having a direct tendency to subvert the constitution. But whatever weight may be allowed to these charges or surmises, it was generally agreed, that, though the parties themselves had been ever so well disposed towards an accommodation, yet the countenance and approbation of the court would hardly have been lent to a measure so diametrically opposite in its principles to that favourite system of politics, which had the disunion of all party connexions for its basis. In opposition to this system, after a long and an arduous struggle, by no mean exertion of abilities, and by the concur rence of many important events, the late administration had arrived at a kind of adverse possession of power, which being submitted to from necessity, it could not be expected would be suffered to remain, whenever the means of destroying it could be found. These, by an unfortunate event, soon after offered themselves. The appointment of the Earl of Shelburne to succeed the Marquis of Rockingham, it was easily foreseen, would disgust those individuals of the party, whose principles were the most inflexible and obnoxious; and the probability of gaining over many others, who might wish to make themselves some amends for the long proscription they had undergone, by the advantages of a more accommodating line of conduct, was reckoned on with a confidence that proved not ill-founded. Add to this, that the firmness of the party had hitherto stood the trial of defeats and mortifications only; that power and emolument will sometimes be retained on terms and by means, through which they would not have been sought; and lastly, that many of the members, wearied and grown old in opposition, would naturally feel disinclined, from the diminution both of their vigour and prospects, to embark in a fresh contest with the court The design appears to have been planned with great political sagacity, and the success went beyond even what the most sanguine hopes could have despatch was therefore given to the parliamentary business in Ireland, in order that the Duke of Portland might close the session, and as far as conveniently could be, adjust all the arrangements, then pending between the two kingdoms, respecting the legislative independence and commercial freedom of that kingdom. Lord Shelburne had been fully as explicit, open and liberal in his speech to the lords, with reference to Ireland, as Mr. Fox, in his speech to the commons. It was therefore generally at first presumed, that the change in the British administration would cause no alteration in the system of concession to Ireland. Amongst the several acts, which received the royal assent under the Duke of Portland's administration, was Mr. Eden's act for establishing the national bank. This met with some opposition, but the measure was carried, and the bank opened the year following. By this act (21 and 22 Geo. III. c. 16) the bank was established by the name of The Governor and Company of the Bank of Ireland. The subscribers to it were to pay in 600,000. either in cash or debentures, at 4 per cent. which were to be taken at par, and considered as money. This sum was to be the capital stock of the bank and the debentures to that amount, when received, were to be cancelled by the vice treasurers. For these an annuity of 24,000l. was to be paid to the company, being equal to the interest payable upon these debentures; the stock was to be redeemable at any time, upon twelve months notice, after the 1st of January, 1794. Ireland obtained likewise an important acquisition by a bill," for better securing the liberty of the subject," otherwise called the Habeas Corpus act, similar to that formerly passed in England. expected. Not only a change of ministers was effected, and a cabinet formed more agreeable to the views of the court; but several of those, whose former conduct had been marked by extraordinary violence were gained over; and these, not satisfied to embrace their new principles with all the zeal and eagerness of converts, seemed to regard with an unusual degree of malignity, that inflexibility of their old colleagues, which appeared no less than a tacit reproach to their own conduct. Thus a decisive blow was given to the very existence of the party, and which seemed even to preclude all future attempts to form a systematic opposition. Such were the obstacles, which, from every quarter, appear to have rendered a reunion of the Whigs under the auspices of the new minister, totally impracticable. A coalition with the noble lord, who had formerly been at the head of his majesty's government, seemed more feasible, and was certainly free from the most material objections that lay to the former measure. Overtures accordingly are said to have been made by the minister, and various terms offered him: but whether from a confidence in his own strength, and the hope of rising again, on the divisions of his adversaries, to the possession of undivided power; or from resentment of former indignities; or from some change in his political sentiments, and a conviction of the impossibility of serving the public with fidelity on the terms proposed, the business fell to the ground. The sacramental test, by which the dissenting Protestants were excluded from offices of trust under the crown, was also repealed, and the nation was gratified by the repeal of the perpetual mutiny bill, and by that long desired act for making the commission of the judges of that kingdom, to continue quamdiu se bene gesserint. An act was also passed to render the manner of conforming from the Popish to the Protestant religion more easy and expeditious. Another for sparing to his majesty, to be drawn out of this kingdom whenever he should think fit, a force not exceeding 5000 men; part of the troops appointed to be kept therein for its defence.) On the 27th of July, 1782, his excellency the lord lieutenant concluded the session with the following speech from the throne: "MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, "THE great and constitutional advantages you have "secured to your country, and the wise and magnanimous con"duct of Great Britain, in contributing to the success of your "steady and temperate exertions, on the close of a session, must "ever reflect the highest honour on the national characters of "both kingdoms. "It must be a most pleasing consideration to you, to recollect, "that in the advances you have made towards the settlement of your constitution, no acts of violence or impatience have marked "their progress. A religious adherence to the laws confined "your endeavours within the strictest bounds of loyalty and good "order; your claims were directed by the same spirit that gave "rise and stability to the liberty of Great Britain, and could not "fail of success, as soon as the councils of that kingdom were "influenced by the avowed friends of the constitution. "Such a spirit of constitutional liberty communicating itself from one kingdom to another, must naturally produce that re"ciprocal confidence and mutual affection, of which we already "begin to feel the most salutary effects. A grateful zeal and ge66 nerous ardour have united this whole kingdom in the most cor"dial and vigorous exertions, which promise effectually to frus"trate the designs of our common enemy, and to re-establish and "secure the glory of the whole empire." "GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, "WHEN I consider the very active and "liberal part you have taken in contributing to these great and "glorious events, I must as distinctly express to you his ma"jesty's sense of the last effusion of your generosity for the de"fence of the empire, as I must return you his most gracious ❝ thanks for the supplies which you so cheerfully voted at the be"ginning of this session. His majesty's royal example not only "secures to you a most just and economical application of the aids "you have granted him, but affords you a most solemn pledge of "attentive investigation into every means which the circumstances of this country will afford to alleviate the burdens of "his loyal and grateful people. To co-operate with you in carrying "into effect this most benevolent disposition of his majesty, will "afford me the highest gratification, and manifest to you the sen"timents I shall ever entertain, in return for the confidence you "have reposed in the sincerity of my professions for your welfare." "MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, 66 "In contemplating the services which your "unremitting assiduity has rendered to the public, I must indulge "myself in the satisfaction of specifying some very important "acts, which will most materially strengthen the great consti"tutional reform you have completed, and which will for ever "distinguish the period of this memorable session. You have provided for the impartial and unbiassed administration of justice, by the act for securing the independency of judges. "You have adopted one of the most effectual securities of British "freedom, by limiting the mutiny act in point of duration; you "have secured that most invaluable of all human blessings, the per"sonal liberty of the subject, by passing the Habeas Corpus Act: "you have cherished and enlarged the wise principles of tolera❝tion, and made considerable advances in abolishing those dis"tinctions which have too long impeded the progress of industry, "and divided the nation. The diligence and ardour with "which you have persevered in the accomplishment of these great objects, must ever bear the most honourable testimony of "your zeal and industry in the service of your country, and "manifest your knowledge of its true interests. "Many and great national objects must present themselves to "your considerations during the recess from parliamentary busiแ ness; but what I would most earnestly press upon you as that "on which your domestic peace and happiness and the prosper"ity of the empire at this moment most immediately depend, is "to cultivate and diffuse those sentiments of affection and con"fidence which are now happily restored between the two king"doms. Convince the people in your several districts, as you are yourselves convinced, that every cause of past jealousies "and discontents is finally removed; that both countries have 66 pledged their good faith to each other, and that their best secu(6 rity will be an inviolable adherence to that compact; that the "implicit, reliance which Great Britain has reposed on the honour, "generosity and candour of Ireland, engages your national characT t 66 VOL. II. |