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are called sister kingdoms, but if we were married, there is but one country that I have heard of, where the wife sacrifices herself on the funeral pile of the husband, and I trust Ireland is not inclined to follow so singular an example.

Be the situation of England what it may, what has Ireland to say to it? Have we ever exposed you to war? Have we encreased your taxes? Have we been the cause of a single misfortune? If your fleets have protected us, who occasioned our wanting that protection? Have we not contributed both with our blood and treasure in support of your quarrels, without sharing in your conquests? Are we not indebted, from our con-. nection with you, beyond our ability to pay?

My lord, I will go so far as to say, if the ruin of England. was to follow justice to Ireland, yet still we are entitled to that justice. The question must still resort to first principles, and Irishmen cannot, ought not to have a confidence in Great Britain, till those principles are fully ascertained.

It is said, my lord, that we have long acquiesced under this claim. For argument sake I will grant it. England herself has been obliged in particular times to submit to the most severe exertions of arbitrary power, but it has been the most distinguished feature in the character of your countrymen, to watch for and seize the moment in which they had the prospect of regaining their freedom. Witness your barons compelling the infamous John to grant them Magna Charta. Witness the decapitation of the misinformed and unfortunate Charles. And witness the glorious revolution, by which the present king of England....of Ireland, is entitled to his crown. Will your lordship then, or your countrymen, be so unjust as to say, we ought to acquiesce in a claim, because we have not hitherto had power to oppose it? Will you assert if at first the claim was unjust, it has changed its nature from the inattention or impotence of Ireland?

Strange arguments, however, sometimes suggest themselves. I have heard it argued, my lord, that the king of Ireland, residing in Great Britain, gives a right to supremacy there. To this there is a short and conclusive question; one, my lord, that I borrow from the elegant and well-informed Guatimozin.... Had the king of Great Britain been in reality, what he is nominally, king of France; had he held his court at Paris; would Great Britain have allowed the king of Great Britain, in conjunction with the parliaments of France, to bind them in all cases whatsoever? Apply this, my lord, to the subject of this letter, and answer the question as you please.

A country in Asia, where the bodies of the dead are burned, and the wife is placed on the funeral pile of the husband.

In all connections between free kingdoms advantages must be reciprocal. It must be the interest of both to preserve the connection; or that kingdom who finds herself hurt by the alliance, will infallibly quit it the moment it is in her power. Interest is the grand spring of action even amongst men, though a few individuals may gloriously deviate from it; but between nations it is, it must be the ruling principle.

My lord, it is my wish, and I hope and believe it is the wish of every good man in this kingdom, to form an alliance with Great Britain, which nothing can disturb. I conceive this can only be done by a fair and candid enquiry into the natural rights of each kingdom. If Great Britain treats with Ireland under the idea of giving as little as she can, and that little from necessity, Ireland can neither be thankful nor satisfied. You yourselves will say that Ireland, from particular situation, has got more than you intended for her; and when that situation ceases, you will naturally endeavour to recal what you have so granted. On the other hand, Ireland looking for an establishment of rights, cannot conceive herself obliged by what is given from expediency. Whilst the great question of right remains unascertained, mutual jealousies and distrusts must affect the peace of both kingdoms. Irishmen cannot seriously wish the prosperity of a country which they conceive to be oppressing them; and England cannot be cordially our well-wisher, whilst she considers us as a people she has wronged; as a people she must suppose anxious for an opportunity of procuring justice.

It may be said, that finding fault is easy, but that it will be difficult to point out a mode of relief more satisfactory than the one your lordship has adopted; I shall, therefore, in a few words, lay down what I believe would be satisfactory to my Countrymen; what I know would be satisfactory to my countrymen; what I know would be satisfactory to myself.

Let England declare she has no right to bind Ireland by British acts of parliament, and entirely repeal all laws hitherto made for that purpose. It has been my endeavour to prove that England in doing this, would only do justice; suppose it done, Ireland would have a right to trade with all the world, but all the world would also have a right of choosing upon what terms, and in what instances, they would enter into commercial alliances. with Ireland; Great Britain of course would have a right to say, you shall not trade with us, but on such conditions as we shall think proper to require. The colonies would have the same right; and at this moment Ireland would have less than what your propositions, and the law founded, and to be founded on them, would give us; but then, my lord, the matter of right would be adjusted; whatever wealth we acquired would be the wealth of freemen, and could not be taken from us but by our

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own legislature; then that frightful spirit raised in the reign of George the First would be laid, and the fears and apprehensions of Irishmen, with the Ghost, would vanish.*

If, my lord, we are admitted to trade with Great Britain and her colonies, I, as an Irishman, think we should make a suitable return. If your fleets protect us, protect our trade. I think we ought in proportion to that protection, in proportion to that trade, contribute to their support. These, my lord, in my humble apprehension, ought to be the subjects of treaty between the two legislatures; then rights and favours would be distinct; a distinction which must give universal satisfaction here. If Great Britain really means to give us a permanent Free Trade, what can be her objection to being fully explicit? My lord, the. consequence would be, that industry would diffuse her blessings over this heretofore devoted land; then, my lord, the merchant would plow the ocean, and the farmer his land with satisfaction and security; then Ireland would become the cheerful and powful supporter of Great Britain.

My lord, I cannot expect you will take either my word or opinion for the sentiments of my countrymen; but, my lord, it is surely worth your lordship's attention to enquire how far I am right in my opinion; if by that enquiry, you find that the people of Ireland, almost to a man, deny the right in a British parliament to bind them; if you find that they acknowledge no power on earth but their king, lords, and commons; and will not, if they can help it, pay obedience to the laws of any other; I submit it to your lordship, whether it would be wise in the British legislature to voluntarily declare the statute of 6 George I. c. 5. no longer in force, so far as relates to Ireland, and that it was made on the mistaken idea, that England had a right to bind Ireland. This, my lord, would heal every dissension, would banish every jealous idea from our minds.

Many other things relative to Ireland croud upon my imagi nation, but as they are in general things that ought to be looked to at home, and as I wish to confine myself to the one great question, I shall not longer intrude on your lordship.

In the course of this letter I have endeavoured to steer clear of the least offence to your lordship. I have endeavoured to argue without passion or prejudice, and I trust I have in some degree succeeded.

I feel the fullest conviction, that an explanation of the matter of right is essential to the welfare and prosperity of both king

• The law declaring a right to bind Ireland in all cases whatsoever.

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doms, and it is from that conviction I have thus ventured to ad

dress your lordship.

I am, with great respect,
Your Lordship's

Most humble servant,

FRANCIS DOBBS.

1st January, 1780.

No. LXVII. a.

ADDRESSES AND RESOLUTIONS OF DIFFERENT CORPS OF VOLUNTEERS....PAGE 276.

To the Right Hon. and Hon. the Minority in both Houses of Parliament.

MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

We thank you for your noble and spirited, though hitherto ineffectual efforts in defence of the great constitutional and commercial rights of your country. Go on....the almost unanimous voice of the people is with you; and in a free country, the voice of the country, the people, must prevail. We know our duty to our sovereign, and are loyal. We know our duty to ourselves, and are resolved to be free. We seek for our rights, and no more than our rights, and, in so just a pursuit, we should doubt the being of a Providence, if we doubted of success.

These proceedings were generally approved of....the spirit of the Dungannon meeting was diffused throughout the kingdom, and its resolutions were seconded by almost every volunteer corps in Ireland.

On the 17th of February, the corps of Independent Dublin Volunteers unanimously agreed to the following resolutions and preamble:

Natural justice and equity having established the universal rights of mankind upon an equal footing, the inhabitants of Ireland have a claim to a free trade with all nations in amity with Great Britain; yet their ports have been kept shut, their trade has been monopolized, and their industry has but served to aggrandize the proud traders of a neighbouring kingdom.

Necessity, which compels to ingenuity, has lately led up that trade, dignified with the spacious name of free: yet trade, which enriches industrious nations, serves but to impoverish the natives of this kingdom, because they have purchased at an high price, an illusion; defrauded thus of their birthright, there is nothing but œconomy as a counterpoise. This unsubstantial freedom of commerce, having originated from the united spirit of the people against the use of foreign manufactures, the same spirit which procured the fallacious grant, may yet, by a persevering unanimity, establish a real, permanent, and substantial trade.... Therefore resolved, that these our thoughts and opinions be laid before our countrymen, reminding them at the same time, that not only they, but their posterity are interested in the event; and that to do away effectually the yoke of monopoly, a non-consumption and non-importation agreement should be entered into without delay.

Resolved, That for the more effectually furthering this great national point, the several corps (as private citizens) of this city be requested to send each a delegate to the Royal Exchange, on Monday the 25th inst. at seven o'clock in the evening, and the foregoing resolutions be published.

The following Resolutions were passed a few Days afterwards at a full Meeting held by the Lawyers' Corps.

Resolved, That we do highly approve of the resolutions and address of the Ulster volunteers, represented at Dungannon on the 15th day of February instant.

That as citizens and volunteers, we will co-operate with the several corps, whose delegates met at Dungannon, in every constitutional mode of obtaining a redress of the grievances mentioned in their resolutions.

The Address published by the Committee of the Ulster Volunteers. To the Electors of Members of Parliament, in the Province of Ulster.

GENTLEMEN,

DELEGATED by the volunteers as

sembled at Dungannon, we call on you to support the con

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