And when we thus presume to submit to this infraction of the treaty of Limerick to your majesty's royal notice, it is not that we consider ourselves it to be the strong part of our case; for though our rights were recognized, they were by no means created by that treaty; and we do with all humility conceive, that if no such event aş the said treaty had ever taken place, your majesty's catholic subjects, from their unvarying loyalty, and dutiful submission to the laws, and from the great support afforded by them to your ma jesty's government in this country, as well in their personal service, in your majesty's fleets and armies, as from the taxes and revenues levied on their property, are justly competent, and justly entitled to participate and enjoy the blessings of the constitution of their country.

"And now that we have with all humility subnitted our grievances to your majesty, permit us, most gracious sovereign, again to represent our sincere attachment to the constitution, as esta+ blished in three estates of king, lords, and commons; our uninterrupted loyalty, peaceable demeanour, and submission to the laws for one hundred years; and our determination to persevere in the same dutiful conduct, which has under your majesty's happy auspices, procured us those elaxations of the penal statutes, which the wisdom of the legislature has from time to time thought proper to grant; we humbly presume to hope that your majesty, in your paternal goodness

and affections towards a numerous and oppressed body of your parliament of Ireland, to take into their consideration the whole of our situation, our numbers, our merits and our sufferings; and as we do not give place to any of your majesty's subjects in loyalty and attachinent to your sacred person, we cannot suppress our wishes of being restored to the rights and privileges of the constitution of our country, and thereby becoming more worthy, as well as more capable of rendering your majesty that service, which is not less our duty than our inclination to afford.

So may your majesty transmit to your latest posterity, a crown secured by public advantage and public affection; and so may your royal person become, if possible, more dear to your grateful people."

This petition was signed by Dr. Troy and Dr. Moylan, on behalf of themselves and the other Roman catholic prelates and clergy of Ireland, and by the several delegates for the different districts which they respectively represented. : The year 1793, was as important a one to Ireland as any that had occured since the acquisition of a constitution in 1782. The first remarkable feature that distinguished it was the concession, by government, of several questions which had been hitherto pertinaciously resisted. Mr. Grattan, always persevering, never desponding, never intimidated, again brought forward the topic of parliamentary reform. He partially succeeded; for he

procured the appointment of a committee to inquire what deficiencies existed, and what remedies were applicable. Several other popular measures were passed, all tending to conciliate the public mind. The first check which the opposition received in their new born hopes of the sincerity of government, was upon the day when the house resolved itself into the committee upon parliamentary reform. Mr. Grattan made an able speech, and submitted three resolutions upon the subject which were opposed by the ministerial party and ultimately lost by 137 against 48.

In this year a catholic relief bill was introduced into parliament, by Mr. Secretary Hobart, and passed both houses, much against the inclination of many even of those members who voted for it. By the operations of this bill the catholics were placed nearly in the same political situation with the protestants except that they still remained excluded from sitting in parliament, from being members of the privy council, from holding the office of sheriff, and some other offices under the crown, about 30 in number, specified in the act: and that their voluntary contributions constituted the sole maintenance of their clergy. Among the points conceded was that of the elective franchise: When Mr. Hobart, touched upon the army and navy he expressly said, as the minister of the crown, that it was in the contemplation of the govern+ ment of England, to admit Roman catholics to bear commissions in those departments of the

state, and that, in due time measures for the same purpose would be proposed there when a communication with the English government should have been had upon it. This pledge to the public has never been redeemed. Some attempts were made in the lords, to introduce a clause qualifying the catholics to be appointed to certain military command, but it was resisted as nugatory, till England should pass a similar law, because a catholic appointed in Ireland, could not serve in England without a violation of the laws there. The gunpowder bill, and the convention bill, both government measures, were also passed this session. The object of the latter was to check the frequent assemblies of delegates of the people; and Mr. Grattan opposed it, because it went to destroy the people's undoubted rights of petitioning, by rendering the previous act, consultation and deliberation, unlawful and criminal. The session was put an end to on the 16th of Aug. and the viceroy, in his speech, "declared that the wisdom, and liberality with which they had attended to his majesty's recommendation in favour of his Roman catholic subjects were highly pleasing to the king."

In 1794, government resolved upon adopting some strong measures against the confident boldness which now began to display itself in several of the popular societies. The first victim was Mr. A. Hamilton Rowan, for distributing a seditious libel. Rowan was secretary to the Society

of United Irishmen at Dublin, and his alledged libel was an address to the volunteers of Ireland, Curran defended him in a speech of unusual brilliancy and eloquence, even for him, but after a trial of ten hours, he was found guilty and sen tenced to pay a fine of 500l. to be imprisoned for two years, and to find security for his good be haviour for seven years, himself in 20001. and two sureties in 1000 each. It may easily be 'supposed that the verdict gave dissatisfaction to those who thought and acted with Rowan.

Parliament met on the 21st of January; but nothing worthy of commemoration was done. It was prorogued in March following. Meanwhile, the growing spirit of discontent was such as justly alarmed the government. Defenderism spread rapidly: the Right Boys became more daring, and the United Irishmen assumed a language upon political subjects which alarmed and displeased even the most enthusiastic in behalf of constitutional reform. Mr. Hamilton Rowan escaped out of prison: and about the same time, the Rev. Mr. Jackson, a protestant clergyman, was committed to Newgate, on a charge of high treason. Both these events produced strong impressions upon the public mind.

Historical justice demands that a distinction should be made between those united Irishmen, who afterwards sought only rebellion and disloyalty, and those who at the period we are now engaged upon, assumed and bore that name. They were