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their Employments; and that the Incapacities they bring upon themselves thereby, can no way be taken off but by an act of parliament. -Therefore, out of that great deference and duty we owe unto your majesty, who have been graciously pleased to take notice of their services to you, we are preparing a Bill to pass both houses for your royal assent, to indemnify them from the Penalties they have now incurred and, because the continuing of them in their Employments may be taken to be a dispensing with that law without act of parliament, (the consequence of which is of the greatest concern to the rights of all your majesty's subjects, and to all the laws inade for security of their religion) we therefore do most humbly beseech your majesty, that you would be graciously pleased to give such directions therein, that no apprehensions or jealousies may remain in the hearts of your majesty's good and faithful subjects."

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A motion being made for going to the lords for their concurrence; some debated, That it would carry with it the greater weight, and be more likely to have good effect; and if the concurrence of the lords were asked, the Judges, in the lords house, would have an opportunity of speaking their opinion to it.' Others opposed it, for the lords having already given their Thanks to the king for his Speech, as being contented therewith, and that it would be more for the honour of the house of commons to address alone.' Those that were against the thing itself when it passed first, were for going to the lords for their concurrence. The house divided. For asking concurrence, 204. Against it, 216. So it passed in the negative.

Debate on the Supply, and the Way of ruising it.] The house being resolved into a committee of the whole house, to consider of a Supply for his majesty; Mr. Solicitor took the chair.

Lord Campden moved for 200,000l. to be given to the king for a Supply, which, with 200,000l. confessed of what was given for suppressing the late Rebellion, makes 400,000l.' and was seconded.

Sir John Eruly. 1,200,000l. is needful, and such a sum has been given before in the same session, when there was an Address of this kind made to the late king.

Sir Tho. Clarges. We have this session already given Customs and Excises for his majesty's life additional Duty on Wines eight years, 150.000/. yearly. Tax on Sugar and Tobacco, eight years, 200,000l. yearly. Tax on Linen and East-India Commodities, five years, 120,000l. yearly. In all, six millions. Let us give little now, to have opportunity to give more another time; for if we give too much now, we shall have nothing left to give; and if we proceed thus, what we have will be taken from us.

Sir Edm. Jennings. To give 1,200,000l. now, because such a sum has been given, is no argument; once 2,400,000l. was given here,

and therefore should it be so now? 200,000!. with what is confessed to be in cash, makes 400,000%, and that will maintain the charge one year, and better; and giving all at once is doubting the affection of the people.

Lord Presion. You unanimously voted a Supply last night, and naming so little now is not so ingenuous a way of proceeding. We are told, six millions have been this session given; I would have you, gentlemen, take notice, the giving his maj. what the late king bad, is but settling a Revenue that before was not sufficient for the support of the government; what was given besides, was part for the late king's servants, part for the Fleet and Stores, and part for suppressing the late Rebellion. To give so little now, is not to enable the king to defend and preserve us, which he has promised to do. I am for 1,200,000l.

The Earl of Ranelagh. The question is for 200,000/. or for 1,200,000l. What has been given in this matter already, ought not to be weighed at all; and what is called six millions, had all uses (when given) tacked to it. The Revenue his brother bad, had uses enough, as the Wine and Vinegar act, rated at yearly 15,000l. for the Fleet, Stores, Ordnance, and Servants: The Sugar and Tobacco act, rated at yearly 200,000l. for the said Stores, Ordinary, and Fleet: and the additional duty on French linen and East-India commodities, rated at yearly 120,000l. for suppressing the late Rebellion.

So there are uses for all that, and what is now given, most be taken for supporting the forces: and therefore I am for 1,200,000l.

Sir Winston Churchill. 200,000l. is much too little: Soldiers move not without pay. 'No Penny, No Paternoster.'

Mr. Ettrick moved for 700,000l. and mentioned to bave it raised upon the new Buildings, which might produce 400,000l. and a PollBill for the other 300,000l.

Mr. Waller. If I knew the king's Revenue were short, I would give as far as any man; but now we are going for this particular use, and if this 200,000l. will not do, how can we be sure that 1,200,000l. will? If we give too little now, hereafter, if we see occasion, we may give more; but if we now give too much, I do not see how we shall ever have it again, though I have heard of such a thing in queen Eliz.'s time. The king (reckoning what he had of his own into it) has 600,000l. yearly more than the late king had, and when there is need, I am for more, but now only 400,000!. and to raise that easy you will be put to it: how will you do it? If you lay it upon trade, that will make it revenue, and when once in the crown for some time, it will never get out again. I am for only 400,000.

Lord Campden. If the king wants 200,000l. I would give him 200,000l. but I am for giving no more than he really wants.

Mr. Waller. We give, because we are asked. I am for the least sum, because

for an army, and I would he rid of them as soon as I could; and am more now against it than I lately was, being satisfied that the country is weary of the oppression of the soldiers, weary of free quarters, plunder, and some felons, for which they have no complaint, no redress and since I heard Mr. Blaithwayte tell us, how strict rules were prescribed them by the king, I find by their behaviour, the king cannot govern them himself; and then what will become of us?

Sir Willoughby Hickman. The Rebellion is suppressed, and the Army is urged to be small, but it is so thick of Officers, that by filling up the Troops, which is easily at any time done, increases their number to a third part more. I am for providing for them but one whole year only, and only for 400,000l.

Mr. Coningsby. I agree to the 400,000l. We owe besides a duty to our country, and are bound by that duty to leave our posterity as free in our liberties and properties as we can; and there being Officers now in the army, that have not taken the Test, greatly flats my zeal for it, and make me esteem the Militia; of which if well modeled, and placed in mens hands of interest in their country, we are certain, and so is the king secure; for there is no such security of any man's loyalty, as a good estate. Reasons I have heard given against armies, that they debauched the manners of all the people, their wives, daughters, and servants. Men do not go to Church where they quarter, for fear mischief should be done in their absence. Plough-men and servants quit all country-employments to turn soldiers; and then a court-martial, in time of peace, is most terrible. In peace, justices of it, and the civil magistrate, ought to punish, if applied to. And what occasion then can be for them? Is it to suppress a rebellion in time of an invasion ? All then will go towards that. Or is it to assist his allies? The house will give aid, when wanted, on that score. The Guards I am not against; those showed themselves useful in Venner's business, and the late Rebellion; I am not against them: I only speak of those that have been new raised. Col. Ashton. I will tell you the use of these forces; they expected the rising of a great party, and were not these forces standing, to prevent a a Rebellion, you would have one in a few days. Mr. Blaithwayte. If any disorders have been committed, it is not yet too late to have them redressed; and martial law (if by that cleared) does not binder proceeding at common Jaw for the same thing: 400,000l. is not enough; no state near us, in proportion, but what exceeds this smail number of men.

Sir Tho. Carges. Seven millions of men in England; the strength of England consists in our marine, in which (for want of men) France can never equal us; their trade will not breed them; a ship of fifty tons will carry 100,000/. of their goods, linen and silks. Ours are bulky goods, and employ twenty times more, unless you (by burdening of

trade) let them into the West-Indies. Armies are not manageable; commanders have been very often known to rebel: the measure of our Supply is our security. His majesty's Declaration says, If on complaint, the Officers give no redress, then complain to the king;' and so justice is baulked by this hardship put upon the complainant.

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Sir W. Trumbull moved to have it temporary from year to year.

Sir Christ. Musgrave. Let it be, to enable his majesty to preserve us in peace at home, and to make his majesty formidable abroad, for 1,200,000l. as a Supply answerable to the loyalty of this house.

Sir Hugh Cholmondeley. This house was so forward to give last time, that the king's ministers gave their stop to it.

Sir John Werden. The use is to direct the quantum. I see a present necessity for continuing these Forces, till the Militia is made useful; I am for trying two years, and so for 400,000l. and so leave the door open for coming hither to give another time.

Sir Tho. Meres. The principle of the rebel party is never to repent. I am for 1,200,000. and if so much be given, I would have you, gentlemen, to remember that the Fanatics are the cause of it.

Mr. Pepys. An island may be attacked, notwithstanding any fleet. Ours is much mended, a thousand men daily at work, ever since we gave money for it, and not one man in it an officer, that has not taken the Test.

Col. Oglethorp. New troops are not so good as old, and more subject to commit disorders, but will be less so, when they are longer under discipline. The king of France never sends troops to his Army, till they have been two or three years on foot in a garrison.

Sir Tho. Clarges. The Trained Bands at Newbury fight did brave things.

Then the question was, "That a sum, not exceeding 400,000l. should be given to the king. The previous question being put, it passed in the negative, 179 to 167. Then the question was put for 700,000l. and no more; which passed in the affirmative, 212 to 170.

Resolved, "That it is the opinion of this cominittee, That a Supply of 700,000l. be given to his majesty, and no more." Which was agreed to by the house with an Amendment, by leaving out the words and no more,' and, instead thereof, inserting these words, not exceeding the sum.†

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* Afterwards Secretary of State to king William.

"Yesterday, being Sunday, the house did not meet. To-day it considers the supplies. The general question is, whether the commons will grant them unconditionally, and content themselves with having shewn how much they abhor a regular standing army and the em ployment of Catholics, without insisting farther upon any previous satisfaction. If this be the case, the king will have obtained every thing

Nov. 17. The house resolved into a committee of the whole house, to consider the way of raising his majesty's Supply. Mr. North took the Chair.

Sir John Ernly. I move for an additional duty upon Wines to yield 400,000l. yearly; and other goods, &c. about 600,000/. yearly, which, with the continuance for some years of the late act of imposition on French linens, and East-India silks, &c. might make up the sum; and I propose this way, to avoid a landtax. The goods I propose to be rated, are soap, pot-ashes, to pay 7d. to treble; unwrought silks, deals, planks, and other boards, to double. Raisins and prunes 2s. per cent. to double. Iron, which now pays 7s. per cent. to double. Copperas 18s. per cent. to double. Oils to 8 or 10 per ton, pay now 30s. Drugs will bear two-thirds more than rated. Drugs and spices from Holland, salt, and all prohibited goods, 20l. per cent. And this, I hope, may do what is now intended to be raised at this time, supposing 41. per ton on French wines.

Sir Dudley North moved much to the same effect, and enlarged on it, and said, The Book of Rates has been well considered, and these goods are capable of bearing the duties proessential; for the general discontent will not prevent him from keeping up his army, and having the means of paying it. This day's discussion will determine the length of the present session; for his majesty seems resolved not to relax in any thing; and his firmness astonishes those who thought that what had taken place in the house of commons, would have induced him to admit of some modifications, and not to persist in carrying in this session all that he desires.-From what I have the honour of sending to your majesty, you will see that the affairs of this country are greatly altered within these few days; some changes and ameliorations may take place in them: I know that money is employed to soften those most opposed to the court; but it is difficult to establish a perfect concert, and to remove entirely the great distrust which exists on all sides. The opposition party is that of the prince of Orange, whom a great number of persons secretly favour: there is even a division in the court; this I will explain to your majesty as clearly as I can, in the course of my letter. It seems to me, at the same time, that I have nothing to do in execution of the order contained in your last dispatch, but to take all possible care to obtain the fullest information, and to acquaint you exactly with what passes.-I have preserved a connexion with some of the leading persons in the preceding parliaments, and it would not be impossible to increase, if it were necessary, the divisions which seem to be rising. It would be for your majesty's interest, still to keep some persons dependent upon you; this might even, on certain occasions, be of use to the king of England, and the welfare of our reli

posed; but if the king took the 401. per ton on French wines at 20,0001. yearly, he would be a loser by it.-Other gentlemen insisted on having French linen higher charged.

Mr. Neale. The pepper that is expended here, paying 1d. a pound, might pay one penny more, and so yield 70 or 80,000l. yearly; and that bullion, exported to the Indies, might bear 5. per cent, and encourage the sending of other goods (in some measure) instead of it thither.

Sir Rd. Temple moved Subsidies, or LandTax; but the house inclining to what was first proposed, and it being consented to by the king's ministers, seemed contented with it; so it was voted, "That an Act for laying an Imposition on French linens, East-India goods, brandy, &c. should be continued for five years, from Midsummer 1690, and be given to his majesty as 400,000!.' And that an additional imposition of 4l. per ton be laid upon all French wines, on which to be raised 300,000/, which makes up the 700,000l."-The time how long this 42. per ton shall be laid, is not yet determined, an account being first to be brought from the custom-house books, of what number of tons are yearly imported: it was said, 100,000 tons; others affirmed, there were near double so gion. I see nothing urgent at present. Affairs seem, at this moment at least, to be taking of themselves that course which may be most advantageous to your majesty; it is, however, difficult to foresee the sudden changes and revolutions which happen in this country; and your majesty well knows that affairs are begun and terminated before there is time to receive fresh instructions.-The house of commous began this morning with reading the address which is to be presented to his majesty. I have been assured that it is conceived in very strong and positive terins against the Catholic officers; there was afterwards a motion for requesting the lords to join the commons in this Address; but it was rejected, and the court party prevailed. The supply was next taken into consideration; and after much debate, they agreed to grant 700,000l. at once. The king looked for 1,400,000.; however, I believe he will not be dissatisfied, provided the sources from which it is to arise be secure, and the lower house do not insist upon the address which it is to present, as a previous condition: this is yet uncertain. We must wait till it is seen whether some incident may not happen to prevent the effect of the resolution which has deen adopted. If the money affair can be entirely separated from the other things which are agitated, the king will gain his end, and may dispense with the parliament, at least for a considerable time. The earl of Sunderland has just told me that he does not think the king and the parliament can agree, because their respective wishes are in direct opposition to each other." Barillon's Dispatches: See Fox's JAMES II. Appendix, p. cxxxiv.

many. The house seemed to incline to 8 or 10 years, and that the duties already on it should still continue on the same time; which 4. per ton, with the duty it already pays, is near 20l. per ton,

The King's Answer to the Address.] Nov. 18. The Speaker acquainted the house, That his majesty having been yesterday attended, in the Banquetting-house at Whitehall, with the Address of thanks from this house for his great care and conduct in suppressing the late Rebellion, and likewise concerning the Officers of the Army not qualified for their Employments, he was graciously pleased to return an Answer, to the effect following:

"I did not expect such an Address from the house of commons, having so lately recommended to your consideration the great advantages a good understanding between us had produced in a very short time, and given you warning of Fears and Jealousies amongst ourselves. I had reason to hope, that the reputation God hath blessed me within the world, would have created and confirmed a greater confidence in you of me, and of all that I say to you but however you proceed on your part, I will be steady in all my promises I have made to you, and be very just to my word in this, and all my other Specches."

Mr. Coke's offensive Speech.] The said Answer was read with all due reverence and respect, and there being a profound silence in the house for some time after it,

Mr. Wharton moved, That a day might be appointed to consider of his majesty's Answer to the late Address of this house;' and named Friday next.

Mr. Coke stood up and seconded that motion, and said I hope we are all Englishmen, and are not to be frighted out of our duty by a few high words.'

Lord Preston took present exceptions against the words, which, as is usual, were written down by the clerk, and Mr. Coke was called upon to explain.

Mr. Coke said,He intended no ill by it; and that he did not believe these the words. And that if he had said any thing that had given the house offence, he was sorry, and would ask them pardon for it.'

Sir Christ. Musgrave. It is not enough to say these were not the words, but you are to say what the words were.

Mr. Coke. I do not make set speeches: I cannot repeat them; and if they did drop from me, I ask the king and your pardon.

So these being taken for granted to have been the Words, Mr. Coke, as the custom is in such cases, withdrew into the Speaker's

chamber.

Sir Joseph Tredenham. Not our own honour, but the king is concerned in this.. I move, that he be brought to the bar, and there receive a reprimand from Mr. Speaker for it.

Sir Hugh Cholmondeley. He is a gentleman of great loyalty, never before of the house; I desire he may have what favour he can.

Mr. Ashburnham. It is a great reflection upon this house, if this be let pass. Several spoke of his loyalty, but none to excuse him for this.

Lord Preston. Send him to the Tower! Lord Middleton. The meaning of this seems like an incendiary. The Tower! This needs no aggravation. A reprimand for an offence to this house might do; but this does not end there; and it is a question whether it be in the power of the house to pass it by, the offence being given to the king as well as you: I am for calling him to the bar in the first place.

Resolved, "That Mr. John Coke, a member of this house, for his indecent and undutiful reflecting on the king and this house, be committed to the Tower." And the Speaker was ordered to issue his warrant accordingly.

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Mr. Seymour. Now this is over I cannot but consent to those that moved for a day, to consider of his majesty's Answer, nor think myself as honest as I should be, if I now hold my tongue. And if we do take this matter into consideration, I doubt not but that we shall behave ourselves with that decency to his majesty, that we may hope for a more satisfactory Answer than as yet this seems to be to me.

Šir John Ernly. I hope that acquiescence that was this morning in this house, on reading his majesty's Answer, has ended this matter. I do think the king will do all that he promised, and am for resting there.

Sir Tho. Meres moved to adjourn, and said, He did not know what to say to it.'

Sir Tho. Clarges. For that very reason I move for a day to consider of it; and I do not think we show that respect we ought to do to the king, if we do not.

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The Lords take the King's Speech into consideration.] "By this time," says Mr. Ralph, "the danger of the public grew so apparent that the Lords grew ashamed of their first days work; and even the Bishops put in for their share of merit, by moving, That a day might appointed for taking the King's Speech into consideration.' Compton of London, was the right reverend father in God, who, on this occasion, stood forth (courageously, says Echard) as the mouth of the Bench. Alarmed at this unexpected attack, the courtiers endeavoured to stave it off, by urging, That having already given Thanks for the Speech, they had thereby adopted the sentiments contained in it; and precluded themselves from finding fault with any part of it. This plea was, however, rejected with indignation, and put an end, says bishop Burnet, to the compliment of giving Thanks for a Speech, when there was no special reason for it. The lords Halifax, Nottingham, and Mordaunt, were the chief speakers; for as to the Bishops, they acquiesced in what his lordship of London was pleased to say for them: and though the point before them was only for setting a day, many things, we are told, escaped in relation to the merits of the case: as, that the Test was now the best fense they had for their religion: if they gave

The Parliament dissolved, after many Prorogations.] Nov. 20. The king, by the usher of the black-rod, commanded the commons to attend him in the house of peers, where his majesty was pleased, by the lord chancellor Jeffereys, for many weighty reasons to prorogue the parliament to February 10;† when it met,

* "The king," says sir John Roresby, "happened to be present, as he was generally con stant in the house of lords, and was much concerned at the freedom that was used upon this subject: and in truth it gave great dissatisfaction, that the law, in this point, particularly, should be thus invaded and set at naught; and the very best of the king's friends, as well as his officers, whether civil or military, except such as were Popishly inclined, were strangely alarmed thereat, and expressed themselves with great freedom, wherever it happened to be the topic of their discourse."

and was farther prorogued to May 10, 1686, from thence to Nov. 22, from thence to Feb. 15, from thence to April 28, 1687, and from thence to Nov. 22, but before that day came the parliament was dissolved by Proclamation, dated July 2.

up so great a point, all the rest would soon follow; and if the king, might by his authority, supersede such a law, fortified with so many clauses, and above all with that of an incapacity, it was in vain to think of law any more. The government would become arbitrary and absolute. All which, it seems, Jeffereys under- The King publishes a Declaration of Indultook to answer, and that in as haughty and ar-gence.] Previous to the Dissolution, namely, rogant a tone, as he had used himself to on on the 4th of April 1687, the king published the bench. But he was soon taught to know a Declaration of Indulgence, setting forth his place; and that frowns, and noise, and "That there was nothing which his majesty so menaces would not pass for arguments there. earnestly desired as to make his subjects happy, Upon the whole, the court-party finding them and to unite them to himself by inclination as selves out-numbered, as well as out-argued, well as duty, and that this could only be done were forced to give way; and it was agreed, by granting them the free exercise of their Rethat, on the 25d the Speech should be taken ligion, in addition to the perfect enjoyment of into consideration."* their Property, which had never been invaded by him, since his accession to the crown, and which should ever be preserved to them during his reign, as the truest methods of their peace and his glory." His majesty then proceeds to say in substance, "That though he could not but heartily wish, that all his subjects were members of the Catholic Church: yet he had always declared, That conscience ought not to be constrained, nor people forced in matters of mere Religion; that force was contrary to the interest of government, and never obtained the end for which it was employed: that this was become manifest by the experience of the four last reigns; and that this shewed the necessity of his present Declaration, which by virtue of his royal prerogative, he had thought fit to issue forth, and which he made no doubt the two houses would concur with him in, when he should think it convenient for them to meet." Descending then to particulars, his majesty in the first place, declared, "That he would protect the archbishops, bishops, &c. of the Church of England in the free exercise of their Religion, as by law established, and in the quiet enjoyment of their possessions, without any molestation or disturbance whatsoever. 2. That the execution of all, and all manner of Penal Laws in matters Ecclesiastical, should be immediately suspended. 3. That he gave "The parliament was prorogued this morning his free leave to all his loving subjects to serve to the 20th of February. From what took God their own way either in public or private, place in the house yesterday, the king of Eng-provided they took special care that nothing land saw clearly that the opposition were daily gaining strength, and that there would be much inconvenience in suffering them to remain longer together. I learn that the surprise was very great, and that there was no expectation that the parliament would be prorogued before the money bill was passed. Every measure that has been brought forward in the house, and not completed, is rendered null by the prorogation; and the grant of the supplies is, of course, entirely done away. There is no likelihood that this step can produce any other effect than that of increasing the discontent of those who are already irritated. This occasions a great alteration in the affairs of England. I will take all due care to transmit to your majesty an exact account of every thing, in order that I may receive your instructions

"The king saw, that both houses were now so fixed, that he could carry nothing in either of them, unless he would depart from his Speech, and let the Act of the Test take place so he prorogued the parliament, and kept it by repeated prorogations still on foot for about a year and a half, but without holding a session." Burnet.

was preached or taught among them tending to alienate the hearts of the people from his government. 4. That it was his command that no disturbance of any kind should be given to them, under pain of his displeasure, and of being proceeded against with the utmost severity. 5. That it was his royal will and pleasure, That the Oaths commonly called the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance, as also the several Tests and Declarations mentioned in the acts of parliament of the 25th and 30th with respect to my future conduct." Barillon's Dispatches. See Fox's JAMES II. Appendix p. cxxxiv.

* For an Answer to this Declaration, written by the Marquis of Halifax, see Appendix No. XVII.

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