and dissensions which prevail amongst ourselves. Passing this over, I have only to add that the objection continued, notwithstanding our reply; and it has become a kind of fixed principle with some of our advocates, that emancipation must be accompanied with some securities against foreign influence in the appointment of our bishops.

"It struck my mind that some plan might be devised, which, whilst it left the Catholic Church of Ireland free from, and uncontaminated by, courtly control, might at the same time totally destroy the force of an argument in favour of the veto, to be. derived from the apprehension of foreign influence; with this view, I consulted some of the Catholic clergy, and as the result, I drew up the plan which will be found marked No. 1, and at the end of the letter.

"I then waited on Mr. Plunket, to submit to him my ideas on this subject. He received me with great kindness, and with the most perfect attention. He discoursed with me the matter, calmly and coolly, with a good feeling and of course with good sense, as a statesman, and friend to religious liberty. I cannot speak too highly of the temper and disposition which Mr. Plunket evinced at all the interviews which I had with him. He has convinced me that he is desirous of carrying our emancipation, making as little sacrifices to English prejudices as he possibly I wish to be the more distinct in expressing this opinion of Mr. Plunket's candour, that it may serve as a refutation of the sentiments which I formerly entertained and published on this topic.

can.

"A communication has been opened between Mr. Plunket and the Catholic bishops. He is ready, I believe, to receive their sentiments with deference; and, I am sure, he will respect their conscientious scruples, on the details of the ecclesiastical clauses in a future emancipation bill. I am also warranted in saying that Mr. Plunket must be convinced that there is every disposition on the part of the Catholics, clergy as well as laity, to seek for emancipation in the most conciliatory manner; to soften, and, if possible, to subdue every prejudice; and to resist only such measures as may either injure, or have a tendency to injure, their religion. He perceives that the objections to the veto' have nothing of faction or bigotry in them-that they are purely conscientious-and, that it would be impossible to frame any statute, calculated to produce tranquillity in Ireland, if that measure were accompanied by the veto.'

6

"The progress which has been made in the discussion is just

partie plan

this: First, the unlimited negative is found to be quite impracti cable, and given up, and a limited and defined right of rejection is alone sought for.' Whether or not it can be conceded, is auother question-no more is at present required. This will be more distinctly seen by a reference to the subjoined paper, marked No. 2, which contains, in Mr. Plunket's own language, the only objections he made to my plan, No. 1. I have the original in Mr. Plunket's own hand-writing. Secondly, the nature and precise extent of such limited power of rejection, as well as the question of whether it can be practicable at all, without a violation of Catholic principles, are still in discussion; and that discussion has assumed a shape which induces me to hope for a favourable result. Thirdly, Mr. Plunket has readily consented to introduce a provision into the new Emancipation Bill, in order to secure the property in Catholic chapels and chapel houses; and for the establishment of Catholic charities to the same extent to which the chapels and charities of the various classes of dissenters in England are now protected by law.

"He has been good enough to allow me to suggest the form in which a clause to the above effect should be submitted to the House of Commons. This is an object of great importance. Fourthly, the exemplary conduct of the Catholic clergy, without any exception whatsoever, in all the disturbed districts—their extreme utility in checking and mitigating, where they could not possibly control, the infatuated spirit of domestic insurrection, are recognized and admitted. I believe it is distinctly felt, that the Catholic clergy could not possibly render the eminent services they now do to the government, if they were to lose any part of their influence over the people; and which influence vetoistical arrangements would have a direct tendency to weaken, if not totally to extinguish; if the clergy were selected by the state, they would lose all their political influence; so that in point of fact, it is, I believe, felt and understood, that the government by possessing a vetoistical power, would be likely to lose an efficient control over the people; while they would gain nothing that could compensate them for the increased discontent which the veto would certainly excite. I fear it would, at this moment, produce effects of a most disastrous character.

"Under those circumstances, it is for the Catholics of Ireland to consider whether they ought not immediately petition. In my humble opinion they ought; and they ought also to consider whether some combined consultation may not take place between the clergy of all classes and the laity, to ascertain what may be

done in the shape of domestic nomination to satisfy English prejudices, and do away all possible apprehension of foreign influence amongst our clergy.

should me set

"It is time that this question was set at rest. It is time that, if we can make with perfect safety any concession to smooth qu the road to Emancipation, we should do so-not at the dictates of chance or passion, but as the solemn result of consultation and deliberate arrangement. If, on the other hand, it shall appear that no fragment of that sacred edifice, which our ancestors have left us as a most precious inheritance, can be touched with safety, why then, let us one and all resolve, in the name of God! not to accept of any civil rights at the expense of any danger whatsoever to our religion. While matters remain in their present state, great danger arises, lest by a sudden and ill-arranged relief bill, Emancipation may take place in a manner calculated to disgust everybody and please no one. It would be unfortunate, indeed, that a bill intended to produce permanent tranquillity should be an immediate provocative of fresh and new discontent, and it would be miserable policy to superinduce the frenzy of a religious contest upon the cruel policy of the servile war which now rages in so many of our districts.

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"There seems to me but one way to prevent much mischief, but one way to arrange rationally the course fit to be pursued. It consists in making some such selection of individuals as that which constituted the Catholic Board; it might, and I think ought, to be limited to this particular purpose. I do not suggest the establishment of such a Board as may afford our enemies an occasion of accusing us of forming a debating club. But there is a great national question pressing itself directly upon our attention. There may, possibly, be amongst us men who would barter some of their religion (or, perhaps, I should say, some of our religion) for a chance of civil rights. If there be any such, they are the most dangerous of our enemies. Whether there be or not, it is certain that our question cannot come before parliament, without involving discussions and clauses upon the subject of securities.' It would be idle to expect that it should not be so ; and it would be criminal not to be prepared for such discussion and for such clauses. If a Catholic Board were formed, there would be no danger of the present attorney general's distorting the Convention Act to prevent their meeting. There is also no danger of the introduction of extraneous or irritating topics. No more publicity would be necessary for their proceedings than just enough to prevent their acting in contra

ripe

diction to the public judgment or public feeling. The king's letter has brought the Catholic gentry to a temper, calculated in a high degree to combine the most respectful moderation with proper firmness. I would pledge my existence that not one single irritating expression would be heard, nor any course pur-, sued, but that which would increase and cement cordiality and good feeling, and tend to promote the views and intentions expressed in the king's letter.

"Without some such Board, the Catholic cause in Ireland' cannot be discreetly or safely conducted in its present stages. "Should any plan of this kind be adopted, the struggle for our liberties may easily be brought to a close in the most amicable manner. Things cannot remain as they are. The recent census in Ireland, however imperfectly taken, gives an actual return of names to the amount of within a few thousands of SEVEN MILLIONS. It is probably half a million below the mark. But take

it at seven millions. It will not be disputed but that the Catholics are five millions and a half of that number-that is at the least full one-third of the entire population of the empire. There may be one, but are there two instances in the world, of sober folly that could dream of our remaining as we are? No! I repeat it, things cannot remain as they are. It is quite too late to think of going back. To re-enact a penal law would be to

To

"Cry havoc, and let slip the dogs of war.'

go forward well, we should go forward with unanimity—unanimity not amongst the Catholics alone, but unanimity amongst the Protestants and Catholics. Every reasonable prejudice which may exist amongst the Protestants, either of England or Ireland, should be treated with courtesy, discussed with good temper, and satisfied by anything short of a sacrifice of any part of our religion. I know that many Protestants in Ireland are ready to meet us in perfect sincerity of these sentiments, and with a perfect reciprocity of good feeling. It is not the interest of the English nation, much less of the government, to increase exasperation in Ireland. On the contrary, it is their duty—and it is, I am convinced, the inclination-of the representative of the king in Ireland, and of the king himself, to produce tranquillity and harmony by these constitutional methods, which alone deserve to succeed. If the Catholics be not wanting to themselves, they may procure their civil rights, and preserve unimpaired the doctrine and the discipline of their ancient Church.

"A proper petition, and a discreet and rational Board or com

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mittee, are essentially necessary to enable us to steer through the remaining difficulties in the way of Emancipation. It is only by some organ of this kind that the mutual desire to make Emancipation satisfactory to all parties can be carried into effect. Without such an organ as this, distrust and jealousy will be perpetual in our own body, and no determination will have weight or importance enough to guide the public sentiment, or to obtain the public confidence. We might easily cashier it at once if it deviated from its intended objects. Whilst it pursued those objects with prudence, caution, fidelity, and perfect good temper, it would not only be of great utility in forwarding the claims of the Catholics, but it might be easily turned, by the government, to the great objects of restoring tranquillity throughout Ireland.

"In fine, fellow-countrymen, our emancipation is probably within our grasp; by prudent measures, we may now secure it. Sumin By our own misconduct, we may lose the present opportunity. There are no men so dangerous to our liberties as those who are ready to give too great a price for them. The flippancy with which some few exposed their anxiety to purchase civil rights at the expense of religion, has created alarm, disgust, and jealousy among the Catholics at large. It has prevented a combination of exertion; it has paralyzed our best efforts; and if these persons will not now submit to the universal sentiment of the Catholic people, and join in preventing a hasty legislation touching our ecclesiastical affairs, they will assuredly retard, and may prevent that emancipation of which they themselves are so desirous.

"I conclude by conjuring you, my fellow-countrymen, to seek for your civil rights only in such a way that, whether you obtain them or not, you may preserve from every injury the doctrine and the discipline of the Catholic Church in Ireland. "I have the honour to be,

66

Proposed Plan for the Domestic Nomination of the Catholic Prelates in Ireland, including full Security to the Government against the appointment of any disaffected or disloyal Person. "First-That by virtue of an agreement with his Holiness the Pope, the succession of the Irish Catholic prelates be pro