vided for by purely domestic nomination or election, and that no person shall be eligible to a Catholic see in Ireland but a natural born subject of the Crown of Great Britain, who shali have taken the oath of allegiance in one of the superior courts in Dublin, and shall have discharged the duties of a clergyman for at least five years in Ireland. And that the electors to each see be not only ecclesiastics and subjects bound by the same oath, but also the most respectable by their rank and character -that is to say, either the Roman Catholic bishops of the province in which the vacant see is situated, or the dean and chapter of the vacant diocese ; and if the latter, that every diocese be provided with its dean and chapter, composed of at least twenty-four of the most virtuous and the most learned of the clergy.

"Secondly-That a see being vacant, the electors shall be called together—if bishops, by their metropolitan or senior suffragan, or if canons, by their dean. That previous to any other proceeding for nominating to the see, the head elector, whether metropolitan or senior suffragan, or dean, shall take a solemn oath in presence of the assembly, that he will not give his vote for any person who has not been known to him by the most satisfactory proofs to be strictly loyal and peaceable in his principles and conduct, and that the same oath be then administered by him to all the electors, and be taken by each of them as an indisputable qualification for exercising the right of suffrage.

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Thirdly-That the person elected shall not be consecrated unless due notice of his appointment be officially transmitted by the president of the electors to the seat of government, and two months be allowed for investigating his character; and that if, within that space of time, the government should assign, in distinct and specific terms, a charge of disloyalty or disaffection against him, that the charge be referred to the examination and decision of the Roman Catholic Archbishops of Ireland, with full liberty to hear the answers of the accused, and require proofs on the part of government. That it be incumbent on this tribunal, if the innocence of the accused be fully established, to have him consecrated as soon as canonical institution can be received. But if the accusation be not fully and satisfactorily disproved, then that the archbishops do forthwith issue an order to the electors to proceed to a new nomination; and that similar proceedings do follow every subsequent election, until a person shall be elected, against whom no objection on the part of government shall be established, as aforesaid.

That every Catholic bishop in Ireland shall, within the spaco of six months after his election, or, if the present bishops, shall within six months after the passing of an emancipation bill, take and subscribe an oath in one of the superior courts in Dublin, to this effect :-That he will not correspond with any pope, prince, prelate, or potentate, or any other person, out of the British dominions, upon any political subject whatever; and that if any pope, prince, prelate, or potentate, or any other person whatever, shall write to him, or directly or indirectly communicate with him on political topics, he will with all convenient speed transmit under his hand to government a true copy of so much of every such bull, rescript, mandate, letter, writing, or communication whatsoever, as may relate to political affairs, in anywise, directly or indirectly, being or having a tendency to be injurious to the rights of the crown or the government, or to the civil or temporal interests of any part of his Majesty's subjects.

No. II.

"Mr. Plunket's Observations on the proposed Plan.

"Instead of a specific charge to be established by specific proof, and to be repeated indefinitely, would it not be more advisable that the objection should be general: that the person nominated is considered as not well affected to the state, and let the party objected to be thereupon put aside? To avoid the objection that this right might be exercised so as to amount to a nomination, there might be a limit to the number of times, and then the next person nominated by the proper electors to be liable to no further question.

"This would avoid the possibility of a person filling a see, after being charged by the government with disaffection, which would be doubly injurious-first, as affixing some stigma to a dignified functionary; and, secondly, as almost necessarily creating in his mind a feeling of hostility.

"The requiring a strict proof of a definitive charge of disloyalty would, I apprehend, render the power of objecting altogether ineffectual.

"On the part of the proposal respecting the intercourse, nothing occurs save as to the passage underlined in the proposal, which would, as it appears, have the effect of authorizing the holding a correspondence on subjects affecting the whole frame

of government and affairs of the state, provided the party corresponding were of opinion that the proposed measures were not injurious.

We now come to a scene, the record of which will give some idea of the troubles through which Mr. O'Connell had to pass, and in which he did not allow the provocations he received, to divert him from following up his idea of his duty to Ireland :-

"Yesterday (Wednesday, February 13th, 1822), an Aggregate Meeting of the Catholics of Ireland was held at Denmark-street Chapel, pursuant to public advertisement.

"At half-past one o'clock, SIR THOMAS ESMONDE was called to the Chair

"MR. O'GORMAN stated the object of the meeting. He said, they had met for the purpose of considering the propriety of petitioning the legislature for a repeal of these laws which still aggrieve the Catholics of Ireland.

"O'CONOR: DON moved that the petition which had just been read should be adopted as the petition of the Catholics of Ireland.

"This motion was seconded by E. MOORE, Esq., and having been put from the Chair, passed unanimously.

MR. N. MAHON then moved that the first resolution, which had been agreed to by the sub-committee, should be read.

MR. O'GORMAN read the resolution, which was as follows:

"RESOLVED 'That we deem it essential to our honour and interests, that as speedy a discussion as possible, in the present session, may be obrained on the merits of our petition.'

"MR. MAHON moved that this resolution should be adopted by the general meeting.

“J. E. DILLON, Esq., seconded the motion.

"MR. HUGH O'CONNOR stated, that having heard that resolution read on the preceding night, he came to the present meeting with a feeling of reluctance

"MR. O'CONNELL-'Before Mr. O'Connor speaks to the resolution which has been moved and seconded, it is right, in point of order, that it should be put from the Chair. Mr. O'Connor will then have an opportunity of speaking to the question.'

"The question was then put from the Chair, after which

"MR. O'CONNOR resumed 'Mr. Chairman, I have said, that having heard the resolution read on the preceding night, that I came to the meeting with a feeling of reluctance. I am as anxious, sir, for the honour and the interests of the Catholic body as any individual in this assembly, but I conceive the present moment to be critical; and anxious as we may be for the attainment of our object, we ought not to discard prudence. We have a good cause; and nothing but a want of moderation, or, rather, impatience (if that word is liked better), can render it a bad one. In the late debate in parliament, when the House of Commons was devising means for the suppression of the outrages which have Lately taken place in Ireland, it was with infinite regret I perceived that a minister of the crown advised that there should not be any attempt, for the present, to discuss the Catholic claims. Why this allusion should be made to the Catholics at such a moment I cannot well conceive: the Catholics are no way connected with the late outrages that have unhappily taken place (hear, hear). The observation, however, has been made, if the newspapers report correctly, by the minister, who is also our distinguished friend. However much I regret this

currence, I do think that we should not act imprudently in consequence of it I think the word 'speedy' in the petition. and also in the resolution which has been just read, not decorous or well-advised. I would, therefore, move, as an amendment

"That the petition of the Catholics of Ireland be committed to the care of the Right Ion the Earl of Donoughmore, and the Right Hon. William Conyngham Plunket, wil & respectful request that they will present it for discussion to both houses of parliament, at such period in the present session as they may conceive most beneficial for Catholic interests.'

"Mr. O'CONNOR resumed-'I recollect having waited on Mr. Plunket, abou a year and a half ago, when that gentleman was first entrusted with the care of our petition; I was one of a deputation that had been appointed for the pu pose. When we inquired of Mr. Plunket at what time the petition would b presented, he said that he would have to consult the friends of the measure, and that it should be laid before the house at the moment most favourable to the attainment of their object. The resolution which I have now proposed is in unison with the sentiments of that most distinguished supporter of Catholic claims, of the value of whose advocacy we are all so fully sensible.'

"JAMES EDWARD DEVEREUX, Esq., seconded Mr. O'Connor's amendment. The only difference between it and the original resolution was, whether they should press the immediate discussion of their petition, or leave it to their advocates to select the time they should conceive most beneficial for Catholic interests, limited, however, to the present session.

"O'CONOR DON had heard with regret of the disturbances in the country; he knew the Roman Catholics to be as ready to put down disturbances as any others of his majesty's subjects could be. He conceived the present the most proper time for petitioning. No man would be inclined to give Lord Londonderry more credit for what he had done than himself; but they were not to be kept back by any talk of prudence. He conceived that it was for our honour and interests that c question should be speedily brought before parliament; but we do not dictate the time to our advocates; we only express our own opinions.

ME. HOWLEY, in a long speech, supported the amendment. "MR. EDWARD MOORE supported the original resolution.

Considerable confusion prevailed, amid which MR. O'CONNELL arose, and spoke as follows:-

Mr. O'Connell-I never rose to address a Catholic meeting with more pleasure than I feel on the present occasion. Our conduct has been such, that we have deserved to be emancipated, and we will be emancipated (hear, hear), if we do not, by any idle bickering among ourselves, retard the progress of our cause. I will point out to these gentlemen the course to be pursued, by which we will be most likely to attain the object we have in view. But first, let me congratulate my Catholic fellowcountrymen on the progress that we have already made; and I trust that I am guilty of no impiety, when, in the temple of my God, I thank that God for the unanimity we have evinced this lay, in adopting that petition. With respect to that petition, it called for a speedy discussion on the merits of our claims

“MR. NICHOLAS MAHON here called Mr. O'Connell to order. The petition had been passed, and should not now be made the subject of discussion.

'MR. O'CONNELL 'I am not out of order. I assert that that petition requires the meeting to pass my resolution.'

"MR. JAMES O'GORMAN-'I call Mr. O'Connell to order; we are not now discussing the merits of the petition.'

"Mr. O'CONNELL-'I call on the meeting to call for a speedy discussion on Jur petition.'

[Here much confusion and noise ensued, which was allayed by the Chairman stating that Mr. O'Connell said that he was speaking to the resolution and the amendment, and that he conceived he had a right to be heard.]

Mr. O'Connell resumed-This petition speaks of our gratitude for the concessions already made to us, without encroaching on our religious tenets or institutions. Is there any one amongst us that is sorry they did not encroach upon our religious tenets or institutions? Where is the man who regrets it? Oh! I should like to see his face. Our religion is at this day nearly the same as that of Henry VIII. was. When we can be unanimous amongst ourselves, I cannot see why we should put our reason and judgment into the pockets of any two individuals, even though these individuals should be the Earl of Donoughmore and Mr. Plunket. I now offer to the gentlemen-shall I say on the other side ?—no, I will not; I will say the gentlemen who press the amendment; I offer to them to put my resolution previous to the amendment; take the sense of the meeting first on that, and I will, myself, agree to the amendment, which can be afterwards put as a separate resolution (no, no). Who is now looking for a division? I ask you first to decide on Mr. Mahon's resolution (ne, no). If it be a bad one, you can reject it, without getting rid of it by the side-wind of an amendment. You have heard the name of Lord Londonderry, or Castlereagh introduced; he has been termed our dignified friend.

MR. O'CONNOR-'The words I used were "distinguished friend.'”

Mr. O'Connell I beg the gentleman's pardon; when I have occasion to speak again of Lord Londonderry, it shall be, for the remainder of the day, as our "distinguished friend," though I do not admit that he is my friend.

A person in the crowd-'Do you come here to abuse members of parliament?

Mr. O'Connell-The Marquis of Londonderry is not my friend. Mr. Lawless, of Belfast, the conductor of the Irishman,' has asserted that I am on the point of accepting a bribe from government; that I am about to receive a silk gown from them: the created universe would not induce me to accept a favour under