adherence to the obligation of an oath, as because it proves that we practically distinguish the spiritual authority of his Holiness the Pope, which we always fully recognise, from any civil or temporal power or authority in him, or derived from him, which we disclaim, and would if necessary, resist at the peril of our lives."

When the fourth resolution was put, Mr. O'Connell came forward and spoke at considerable length. The following is the best extract we can give of his speech:

This, said he, is a day of gratulation and triumph. The sentiments of delight which we experience are pure and unmixed. Our great cause is at length placed on its proper basis. Win or lose, we are sure our religion cannot suffer. Our question is now stripped of all the intricacies and details in which it was involved by false friends and perfidious co-operators. It reduces itself simply and singly to this-shall we be emancipated as Catholics, or as Catholics continue slaves ?

Every attempt to barter religion for liberty-every scheme to traffic upon our faith, for civil benefits, is destroyed for ever and this additional advantage results among ourselves, that the unanimity of the Irish Catholics is now secure from all danger. As one great mass of weight and consistency, we should now proceed towards the attainment of liberty. The seceders are deprived of every excuse, of every colour or pretext for division. No man who continues to secede, can pretend to sincerity as a Catholic, or purity as an Irishman.

The secession originated in the concealed desire to facilitate the ministerial arrangements with the Pope and the bishops. Secession was afterwards justified on the avowed grounds of permitting such arrangements to take place unimpeded by the laity; but now that those arrangements are impossible—now that the bishops have declared their irrevocable opposition-now that they have declared that ministerial interference MUST ESSENTIALLY INJURE, AND MAY DESTROY the Catholic religion in Ireland; where is the man who can get credit for his pretence of being a Catholic, who still continues his secession, to favour that which the highest and most revered authority has told him must essentially injure, and may destroy his religion? Oh no, if the seceders be sincere, and some, at least, amongst them, I am at present convinced are so-if they be honest, they will now send in their adhesion, and rejoin the ranks of their struggling countrymen.

It is unnecessary, I am sure, to prove that no seceder can now lay claim to pure devotion to his country. They cannot require us to believe that they are honest as politicians, or faithful as Irishmen, whilst they endeavour to add to the corrupt

influence of Lord Castlereagh, and strive to increase the power in Ireland of the worthy champion of Orangeism-Mr. Peel. 'At the mention of Mr. Peel's name there was much laughing.)

You mistake me, said Mr. O'Connell. I do not-indeed, I do not intend this day to enter into the merits of that celebrated statesman. All I shall say of him, by way of parenthesis, is, that I am told he has in my absence, and in a place where he was privileged from any account, grossly traduced me. I said, at the last meeting, in the presence of the note-takers of the police, who are paid by him, that he was too prudent to attack me in my presence. I see the same police informers here now, and I authorize them carefully to report these my words, that Mr. Peel would not DARE, in my presence,. or in any place where he was liable to personal account, use a single expression derogatory to my interest, or my honour. And now I have done with the man, who is just fit to be nothing but the champion of Orangeism. I have done with him, perhaps for ever. I return to our proper topic of joy and exultation!

Our prelates have amply justified the veneration in which they are held. Never were there men more respected and revered. No men ever deserved so much respect and reverence. But the gratitude they have merited, and the triumph they have won, is rendered doubly delightful by its being exclusively Irish. It belongs to Irishmen alone; not a foreigner has any claim to it.

Our church was either betrayed or sold to the British minister at Vienna; indeed, the exact amount of price is stated to be eleven thousand guineas. Though a cardinal, the agent was not a priest. Quarantotti, and Cardinal Litta, were, of course, foreigners. Then the next class in the arrangement of the veto are the English Catholic bishops. First of all, I must mention a name that ought not, perhaps, though it will surprise youDoctor Milner. Yes.; Doctor Milner has performed another truly English revolution. He was the first to broach the veto. He came to Ireland on a vetoistical mission; the Irish rejected the mission and the missionary. He then recanted his errors— renounced his first opinions-abjured them—and we sustained bim for his anti-vetoistical principle.

Well, what has occurred now? Why, Doctor Milner has gone round again, and has actually written to the bishops to accede to Litta's plan of veto. Milner's letter was read at the synod; it was, I understand, an official document; of its con tents I can give you certainly an abstract, because its contents

It

have been communicated to me by one of our prelates, whose name, if necessary, I am at full liberty to use. His letter requested of the bishops to accede to the new plan of veto. stated that the government would not be satisfied with so little; that it would require more; and, therefore, concluded the candid prelate, you may with safety accede to his plan; it will never be brought into operation, and you will have the grace of showing your acquiescence, without any danger to the Church. (Loud laughter.)

But well knowing that there was something in the Irish understanding that would scorn such advice, he proceeded to state and to solve the following ingenious dilemma :-"Either (says his letter) the candidate for episcopacy in Ireland will be disloyal, or he will not be disloyal. If he be disloyal, we would all (continues Doctor Milner) be rejoiced that he lost the bishopric." Now, I beg just to inquire the meaning of the word disloyalty. In this country it generally means disinterested attachment to the rights and liberty of Ireland. The more honest, zealous, and pure is the love of any man for his native land, the more certain he is of being charged with disloyalty; whilst on the other hand, we see plunder, and torture, and murder called loyalty. But mark, I pray you, how Doctor Milner treats the other horn of the dilemma. "If (says he) the candidate be a loyal man, and that the British ministry shall strike out his name, on a suspicion of his disloyalty, he will have an excellent action at law against the British minister." Yes; an action at law by an Irish parish priest or friar against the prime minister. of England, for exercising, a discretionary power vested in him!

The most zealous apostle of the veto is another English prelate (Doctor Poynter). Poor man! his principal means of support depended an the uncertain gratuity of a few of the upper elass (as they are called) of English Papists; he would prefer the more solid engagement of a permanent pension from government. He exerted every nerve to carry this ruinous measure.

"You owe all your safety and success to the Catholic bishops of Ireland. They have defeated every argument; they have withstood every seduction; they have disappointed every unhallowed expectation. What an idle pretext is this anxiety to ascertain their loyalty! I challenge the calumniators of every class-calumny prospers in Ireland-it is the best trade going. Well, I challenge the host of calumniators to point out a single instance in which, since the Revolution, an Irish Catholic bishop was charged with disloyalty.

Away with this vile pretence; it is political power the minister wants. He desires, too, to get rid of your religion, because it is troublesome; but his great object is to increase his influence to enlarge the number of his retainers-to give corruption a more extended sphere of action, that the very name of liberty may be blotted out, and ministerial management take the place of constitutional control. We have opposed the veto as Catholics; our worst fears have been confirmed by the decisive authorities of the bishops. Their words contain such a justification of our resistance that I must repeat them. They say "It must essentially injure, and may subvert, the Catholic religion. in Ireland." As Catholics, then, do I say to all the subjects of the empire, we are bound to resist this measure. This is our vindication-our full justification.

But it has always been odious to me on another account. If I were a Protestant by education and from conviction, as I am a Catholic by education and from conviction, I declare to God I should equally oppose and resist the veto. Every enlightened and liberal Protestant ought to thank us for our opposition; for what enlightened man is there who does not see the frightful progress of corrupt influence, where direct dominion would be resisted and overthrown? Corruption eats its silent way; it devours the vitals of the state, whilst it allows the outward forms and shapes to retain the appearances of pristine strength and vigour. The parliament, more than thirty years ago, declared that "the influence of the crown had increased, was increasing, and ought to be diminished." Alas! from that day to this, the evil has only accumulated; no attempt at a remedy has been entertained. Who is the honest man that could put his hand to his heart, and say, that this influence has not swept away the most valuable part of that for which the English of old fought, and bled, and died-constitutional liberty? And can such a man, thus convinced, allow the minister to take, at one sweep, all the influence of another Church? No man who values the safety of what remains to us of the constitution, can assent to the gratuitous bestowing of more energy on the disease which undermines the constitution.

There is, however, a more pressing view of this danger, which arises when we behold the present state of Ireland. She has no parliament of her own; there is little of interest, and less of sympathy for the complaints of Ireland in that of England. What grievance has the imperial parliament redressed ?—what inconvenience has it remedied? Let those who can, inform us

when have our prayers been listened to. The very remoteness of that parliament renders the sound of our complaints weak and inefficient.

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This is a topic which I would fain dwell upon; but, aias! to bewail our misfortunes in the language of truth may be crime: and to speak historically of the practical evils that have flowed from the Union, would probably be punished by the very men who themselves loudly foretold the very calamities which we endure, and which they sometimes now inflict. But this very apprehension of talking the truth serves only to prove now dismal would the prospect of liberty be, if in every Catholic diocese in Ireland there were an active partisan of the minister, and in every Catholic parish an active informer. Who is it that is ignorant of the present plan of patronage in Ireland Why, have I not myself been the means of promoting many and many an adventurer? I have actually promoted more than one clergyman of the Established Church, and our cause has promoted many of them. To instance only one, there is the rectory of Clane, in the county of Kildare, which ought to be placed to my credit. A reverend parson, of the name of Thorpe, wrote as ill-constructed a panphlet as it is possible to imagine, to abuse me. The subject ought, I think, to have enlivened the man; it was dull, indeed —but it was virulent, and he was immediately rewarded with the living of Clane. There is Elrington, the provost, too; how many a man of genius, taste, and learning in college was overlooked when he was promoted from his retirement ! The public were astonished: Who could account for this promotion, when there were so many in college and about college more suited to the dignity? But it was recollected that he had written a pamphlet or book against the Papists, and either dedicated or sent it to the Duke of Cumberland, who is one of the greatest patrons of the Established Church in Ireland, and Chancellor of our University. Oh! a pamphlet against Popery! The provostship was little enough for him. But did any body ever read the pamphlet through? If I had to sentence one of our worst enemies, I should not desire a more malignant sentence than to condemn him to the reading, distinctly and without omission, the entire of that pamphlet. Human nature, I fear, could not bear it.

Need I point out to you the regular plan of county patronage in Ireland? Shall I trouble you with the well-known details? The Catholic bishop would become one of the appendages of the county patron; and, if he should, against all expectation, prove