Perhaps it was not a little curious, that one of the persons found entitled to the freedom was a namesake of his (Mr. O'C.'s) own, but that he wanted the Milesian distinction of "O." However, as he (Mr. O'C.) was one of the leaders of the clan, he would present him with the "O," upon his being made free of the city (laughter).

Mr. O'Connell then moved for the appointment of a commit tee to collect and furnish the facts necessary to support the petition to be presented to the House of Lords, by Earl Grey, on the administration of justice in Ireland. Mr. O'Connell observed, that when a similar petition had been presented in the House of Commons, the enemies of Ireland manfully encountered it by such general pleading as that no facts were stated in support of the allegations. Terrific as the exposures in the petition were, to high authorities, it would have been easy for the Association to have completed their effect by a statement of facts, had they thought it expedient so to do.

Indeed, it was thought to be so perfectly notorious and wellknown, at least to the Irish members, that in one province of Ireland, no Catholic had a chance of obtaining justice when opposed to an Orangeman, as made it unnecessary on the part of the Association to do more than allude generally to magisterial delinquency, without punishing a second time those already convicted; or by dragging those forward who had escaped; and thereby harrowing up individual feelings, and throw around them the shield of partizan protection; and they thought it a sufficient confirmation of their charges that the corruption of justice, by factious interference, and the foul spirit of party passions, had been denounced from the bench; and in one instance by a judge of assize, not professing an over great affection for Catholics.

While in their petition they studiously excluded any allusion to the superior courts, they thought it sufficient to refer to the known prevalence of a system of magisterial corruption and oppression.

Here the learned gentleman instanced the late Leinster Circuit, as affording abundant proofs of the iniquitous administration of justice, and congratulated the county that at length juries were found who dared to be honest, and with whose verdicts the judges (with one exception) had honestly, faithfully, and fearlessly concurred That those guilty magistrates had been dragged to the bar of public justice was owing to the voluntary exertions of some Catholic attorneys, who, at great

personal sacrifices, undertook the good work. The learned gentleman also stated, that when their petition on the administration of justice should be next presented to parliament, the abettors of corruption would be confounded by a well authenticated fact, that in one instance lately, a sub-sheriff of a county stated the price to be given for an acquiescing jury.

He then adverted to the corruption of courts of inferior jurisdiction, of corporations, manor courts, courts of conscience, &c., where conscience remains at the doors, but never goes in n; and he hoped the magistrates of Cork, who were honest, would not be displeased when he stated that there never was such a perversion of justice as in their local courts and alderman's wards, where law was administered in small doses, and bad compounds. It was also well known that in many instances the verdicts of juries were regulated by the complement of whiskey agreed, or expected to be given to them previous to their names being entered on the panel.

As to chairmen of counties, and assistant-barristers, he did not mean to speak disrespectfully of, but still less did he mean to praise them. There were many of them most respectable in private life; but he hardly knew an instance of their having risen to their seats until it was found they never could rise if left to themselves. There was (continued Mr. O'C.) a period when the Irish bar shone as the brightest meteor in the firmament of national independence. As professional men, they must of course be occasionally on the wrong side, but formerly they gave the tone and spirit to public feeling, because they gloried in the avowal of patriotism, and dared to be honest; but though lately, the power of the bench had neutralized the good feeling of the bar, there was a portion of it (happily for Ireland) that could not be purchased. Many were the instances of men of learning and talent, whose professional career has been impeded owing to their liberality of politics. There was one instance known to all, where a respected, admired, and able man had been made to feel the force of judicial hostìlity-not because he had taken an active part on the side of patriotism, but because he stood neutral. When he (Mr. O'C.) assailed by the power of the crown, threw himself upon the generosity of the bar, he found no kindred response-no professional sympathy-no cheering voice, nor helping hand; no, he found them like a nest of vipers, but that they did not hiss, because they dared not.

Mr. O'Connell concluded by expressing his opinion, as that of

every Catholic he had spoken to on the subject, that no Catholic can safely go to trial on life or property in Dublin, where the opposite party has any connexion with the corporation, or corporation's friends.

He also commented on the late revision of the magistracy, particularly in the county of Cork, where one gentleman of large property, and who never interfered in politics, was deprived of the commission of the peace, merely because he lived in the neighbourhood of a magistrate who was desirous of reigning alone in magisterial sovereignty. Mr. O'Connell then moved for the appointment of a committee to collect such facts as may be useful in support of the petition to be presented by Earl Grey.

MR. HUGH O'CONNOR suggested, that in any petition to be presented to parliament upon Catholic grievances, it should not be omitted to dwell particularly upon the hardship to Catholic commercial men of being excluded from any participation in the management of the Bank of Ireland. He supported the proposition in a speech of some length, and was seconded by Nicholas Mahon.

MR. O'CONNELL was of opinion that Catholics were eligible to be Bank Directors.

But he conceived the reason the Catholics had not heretofore exerted themselves in support of their rights, was from an impression that they were not so, and that they, therefore, did not care to create enemies, when they thought they could not succeed.

The impression was entirely a mistake, in his opinion; and he for one would spare no effort to prove it so. Men should help themselves, and not stand waiting for what would never come-the voluntary concessions of those interested in keeping matters as they were. Those who enjoyed the monopoly would never surrender it, till the iron arm of the law should absolutely wrest it from them.

He would advise a specific application to the legislature in the next session, for the passing of a law declaratory of the Catholic's privilege to become Bank Directors. The Catholics need not expect that the Directors will ever voluntarily act otherwise than as a worthy mayor of Limerick once did, who, when there were two parties in the corporation, and he was billeting soldiers, took care not to billet any upon his own party; and when accused of the injustice, he declared he had acted with the greatest impartiality; for he billetted as many soldiers' families as he could-upon the Papists!

MR. O'CONNOR was then advised to refer the subject to a committee, which he accordingly consented to do.

The Chairman (O'Conor Don), before leaving the chair, begged to offer a few words to the consideration of the meeting.

There was nothing he had heard that day of which he disapproved, but perhaps their objects would be as well attained by the publication of resolutions, instead of furnishing their enemies with matter for animadversion, by their speeches!

He instanced the Catholic Convention in 1793, when the Most Rev. Dr. Troy so often presided; and the Catholic clergy united with the body of the people in their labours for Emancipation. He regretted he did not see the clergy now coming forward in like manner; and he thought the interests of the Catholics would be better promoted by parish meetings, where the people could take a more general share in the management of their cause, and where they could be assisted by the discretion, intelligence, and advice of their clergy.

He merely threw out these suggestions for the consideration of those better . qualified to judge of their bearing than he himself.

MR. O'CONNELL observed that there was no disunion of sentiment between the clergy and the people.

The clergy were members of the Association, as a matter of right, and without payment. As to the convention of Catholics in 1793, just alluded to, if the Catholics had then succeeded, it was because the convention was a delegated body, who, if they had not the legislative, had the national sanction. Their proceedings had a moral force, and their measures were guided with an energy and an effect that forced from an alarmed ministry those rights which the Catholics at present enjoy.

After this the meeting adjourned.

THE DUBLIN EVENING MAIL.

UPON the 2nd of December, Mr. O'Connell had to attend a meeting of the Dublin Library Society, where, on the occasion of a motion for expelling the Dublin Evening Mail newspaper, for some articles passing the license of a public journal, he had occasion to make so.ne touching allusions to the great sorrow of his life.

MR. O'CONNELL said that however the Society might differ upon politics; however strong their inclination to polemics; yet there were principles with which he hoped they all concurred, as men-as Christians.

It was contrary to all the laws of war, civilized or savage, to poison water from which an enemy might drink; and he put it to them whether that which a savage Indian would not tolerate, should be permitted by the Dublin Library Society ?-whether they would sanction in political warfare the introduction of the poisoned arrows of malicious slander and personal calumny? Could they not differ upon politics or religion?-could they not

argue upon the merits of Whig and Tory, without defaming the uuoffending wife, or injuring the innocent child? Could they not discuss those matters with the dignity belonging to freemen, and not with the rancour of desperate villany? The learned gentleman still felt proud, that however successful a few factious journals had been in Ireland in attaining the style demoniacal, yet the honor of originality belonged to their neighbours, the Scotch, as exemplified in Blackwood's Magazine, which the Dublin Library Society had had the virtue and manliness to expel, not because of its politics, but for a departure from legitimate argument, and the adoption of virulence and calumny.

The London John Bull was the offspring of Blackwood's Magazine, and from thence it spread to Dublin-to the journal of Sir Harcourt Lees, who resembled a bottle of soda-water, lively and brisk, without spirit. The contagion of Scotch malignity spread its pestiferous infection to Dublin, where the Mail, under its baneful influence, breathed envenomed censure upon the characters of a class of men who devote their lives, and often meet their death, in the sublimest walks of charity. Would the Society, by continuing the Mail, verify the appellation of the members, who were described by it as apes and monkeys? -or would they, by discarding it, show the vain imbecile that their appetites were not yet so depraved, nor their stomachs sc diseased, as to relish the carrion and garbage with which the Mail fed them?

He looked upon the members of the Society as gentlemenhe hoped they were Christians—and he trusted they would not sanction an opinion that the god of discord and the spirit of slander were the objects of their private devotions. If the Orangemen thought well of their own cause, surely they did not require the aid of such a creature as the Mail. To be sure, it might be a recommendation that it abused him (Mr. O'Connell), and that in the last number it accused him of want of courage. But WOULD TO GOD the Mail had more cause to taunt him with that failing! Would to heaven that in escaping with his own life he had not given a too sad but convincing proof that he did not want courage!

He would now give up the pleasures of his life and liberty, could the sacrifice expiate that fatal act of self-defence. [Here Mr. O'Connell became so much affected, as to be incapable of utterance for some time, during which the applause was more fervent and general than we ever recollect to have witnessed in