He (Mr. O'Connell) was, with them, a scoundrel, not because they hated him, but because they thought abuse of him was grateful to their employers.

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In fact, the Orange press was a perfect picture of Orange principles; in no one instance was there to be found a sentence that bespoke a spirit of nationality, a sense of the value of liberty, or a desire for unanimity and good fellowship amongst Irishmen. No! it nourished faction, and spread discord and deadly hatred between men who should live as brothers. fattened upon that which a sound constitution or an honest mind would fling from it with loathing and disgust, fearing to be poisoned by its rancorous vileness. It was a singular fact, that these wretched publications were exclusively conducted by renegades.

He would not, however, confine his view to the press of Dublin. They had more formidable enemies at the press of London. The papers most in circulation were divided into shares, and in many instances held by those whose personal politics were strongly opposed to the principles advocated by the paper from which they derived a considerable revenue. A fact connected with that subject was so curious and so apposite, that he could not refrain from mentioning it. The late Mr. Ricardo, so resolutely opposed to ministers in his political career, was a very extensive shareholder of the Courier, of which there were twentyfour shares, and which derived its support from abusing himself amongst others who, certainly, however, were not benefited by the abuse as he was.

The Times was another mercantile speculation, and moneymoney was the object. It abused and supported the Catholics alternately, just as a purpose was to be answered by it. The Morning Chronicle had long and effectually supported the Catholics, but it had now become a more trading concern, after having passed from the hands of him who never would have condescended to drag it through the mire with which its pages are now daily sullied. No; he (the late Mr. Perry) was too stanch a whig, and too high-minded a man for conduct like this. The present editor of the Chronicle is a sour Scotch sectarian; one of those who, without believing implicitly in Christianity, assume its principles, in order to hate and persecute more effectually. Now a few pounds sterling might have a great effect upon a sour Scotch sectarian, if not swayed by the same generosity that induced some of his countrymen in Edinburgh to subscribe a few Lalf guineas, in order to educate the Irish people. For the press,

then, he would allow £15,000, and for the first head of expenso he had said £5000, making in all £20,000.

The Orange faction have become active. They are on the alert. They have locked the Marquis of Wellesley to their chariot wheels, and dragged him to their Orange club feasts, without his making one stipulation that the sentiment of offence, the personal application of which was understood, and which no one having a respect for Catholic feeling could sanction, should not be given and scarcely was his back turned, when, as if to show that their silence in his presence was not from any deference to his wishes, but the effect of a forced etiquette, the toast was given, for drinking of which he dismissed one of his own officers. Hitherto Orange strength was concealed, because it was of a mixed quality, and hid beneath the shield of government; but at present it despises protection or disguise, and openly opposes government, which it had taken captive. But who would say the captivity was not voluntary upon the part of the government?

The Marquis had acquired a high character in India, and like many who had amassed wealth in that clime, he feared that he had returned to Ireland but to enjoy his ease in expending it in his native country.

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Throughout the country the people stood in need of legal protection. This idea might be sneered at as coming from him, but it was really frightful to think of the oppressions which it was in the power of a magistrate, tinged with Orange principles, to inflict upon the people. With a view to meet this, he would apportion £15,000 a year towards procuring legal protection. for the Catholics against Orange oppression. He had now disposed of £35,000 a year, and trusted the objects he had detailed were such as would meet the entire approval of the Catholic body.

He had next to turn their attention to the subject of the education of the poor. It had been said by the Orange press, and by the saints of the Association in Kildare-street, that the Roman Catholic clergymen were inimical to the education of the poor. Nothing could be more false. The hypocritical saints had however, become agitators, it appeared, and had taken on them selves to arraign peers in parliament.

Let any one compare the crowd of busy bright faces coming out of a Catholic school, with the silent few coming from one of the Society's schools, where the scholars are furnished with the Charter School Catechism. It would be necessary also that the Catholic children should be provided with books untainted by

any doctrine opposed to their own faith. The government were much and grievously in fault to continue the system of subsidizing with thousands of the public money, the parties who were employed in teaching the Charter School children little else, but to hate with inveteracy their neighbours of a different religion. For the use of the Catholic schools, and for the purchase of books, he would allow £5000.

The fifth purpose for which the fund should be applied, h would now explain. He had received a letter from the Right Rev. Dr. England, Roman Catholic bishop of Charleston (than whom a more pious divine, a better Christian, or more learned prelate was not to be found), stating that Catholic priests were much wanting in America, particularly Irish ones, and as the resources for educating the Catholic clergy were scanty, and totally inadequate, he would propose a grant for that purpose. It was notorious, that notwithstanding the thousands granted by parliament to Charter Schools and the Kildare-street Society, the Catholic College of Maynooth received but an annual grant of £8000. The French government were now very anxious to educate as many Irish priests as possible, not indeed for any hostile purpose, but from a desire to retain the funds left by Irish families, his (Mr. O'Connell's) own amongst the rest, for the education of Catholic priests, and for which funds the English government neglected to apply, when they might have done so effectually, and were urged to it by the Irish Catholic prelates.* There were many objections which should influence a paternal government solicitous for the peace and welfare of the kingdom, against having the Catholic clergy educated in France, and induce them to make a sufficient allowance to the Catholic college, for the purpose of assisting in the education of Catholic clergy at home. Our government seemed insensible to these

considerations, and therefore he would allot a sum of £5000 for the purpose he had stated. There would then remain of the £50,000, £5000, and that sum should be held over to accumulate, and be applied to the building, and for building chapels, taking farms in the several parishes, and erecting a house upon each for the Catholic clergymen, &c., &c.

He had now stated the objects for which he sought to raise the money, and he had but to recall to their minds the means by which he proposed it should be got. If only one million out

Finally, the English government did apply, and got a considerable sum of "indemnity”money from the government of Louis XVIII., but spent the most part of it on old Buckingham Palace!

of the seven millions subscribed but a single penny a mouth only, they would have more than sufficient for their purpose. They could enter the several parishes in a book, and call it the "Emancipation Rent," or the "Slave Rent." A circular letter should also be prepared, stating that they would not take more than two shillings per month from any individual, and expecting only one penny a month for each. Thousands of orphans were supported in Dublin by one penny per week. The first year he thought they would get, at the least, one million of shillings, and it was a million to one but they would get double that number next.

The great difficulty would be, not to get the money, but to collect it. He was himself, in general, as busy as most men, but he would engage to collect his parish. They could not fail but from the voluntary abandonment of their plan, and he for one would, as he said before, and now repeated, never abandon it but with his life.

The first Protestant to whom he had mentioned the plan, offered him his money upon the instant. It was in his study that very morning and the subscription was pressed upon him. He (Mr. O'Connell) had, of course, not consented to receive it yet, as the plan had not been as yet adopted by the Association; but he felt, that although the courtesy was small, the kindness which prompted it was great, and he drew a good omen for the future from it. He felt assured that more than half the Protestants in the kingdom would subscribe, when the legitimacy and fitness of their object should be seen by them.

Their carrying this plan vigorously into effect, would show to the government how anxious the Catholics of Ireland were for emancipation, and by acting thus in unison, they would win their way on the public mind. If they had money enough, they need not fear being efficiently represented in parliament. Though the law said no seat in parliament could be purchased, yet it was contrived to dispose, by some means or other, of seats for friendship's sake; and the Nabob of Arcot, it was well known, had had at one time the property of five borough seats in the house, and what was practicable to him, was so to others. Catholics might also obtain an influence, should it seem proper to attempt doing so in the indirect modes which others used so frequently, and which would continue until nomination boroughs should finally be got rid of.

The two objects for which he had given notice of a committee, were so distinct, that he now considered it necessary to move for the appointment of a separate committee for each purpose.

The motions were agreed to unanimously.

On the 14th of February, Mr. O'Connell reported from the committee appointed to cor sider the best means of increasing the funds of the Association

He had at a former meeting, stated in detail the plan of subsoriptions, of which the Association had been pleased to express approval. His observations during that statement, had occasioned a great accumulation of abuse, directed against himself, but abuse for which he had been, and always was quite prepared, and careless about.

Having put his hand into the hornet's nest, he could not expect but that attempts would be made to sting him.

His (Mr. O'Connell's) observations upon the London Morning Chronicle were founded upon inferences drawn from facts, such facts as, that the Morning Chronicle had heaped the most rancorous and monstrous abuse upon the Catholic religion; had attempted to confirm and strengthen the prejudices of the English people against the Catholic claims; had libelled and calumniated the religion of five-sixths of the people of Europe, the religion of Alfred, of Edward, of Sir Thomas More, and Fenelon; had auda. ciously styled the Catholic religion as one that can only be professed by knaves or fools. Could there be a more offensive imputation, though obviously groundless? for he (Mr. O'Connell) would ask, what was the inducement, that as knaves they should adhere to a religion, for which in this life they were made to suffer rigorous persecution and deprivation of the rights of freeborn men, and that as fools they should forfeit their temporal advantages, at the risk of damnation hereafter.

Those charges of immorality, brought against the Catholic religion by one differing in faith, not only from it, but the religion of the state, and advanced with such acrimony, justified in his (Mr. O'Connell's) opinion the appropriate appellation of "sour sectarian" bestowed on the person from whom they had proceeded. The Morning Chronicle, since it had become a mere mercantile speculation in the hands of the present proprietors, had ceased altogether to give anything like fair play to the Catholics.

In this opinion he was not singular. (Hear, hear.) He had received a letter upon the subject, a part of which he would read. The letter was received from Preston, from a member of a society formed in that town, called "The Catholic Defence Society," associated for the purpose of refuting, through the press, the numerous calumnies so industriously propagated against the Catholic religion. The letter stated that in the