religious freedom, in order to keep alive that state of discontent and misfortune in which Ireland was plunged, he could only lament the perversion of their minds, and the loss of those high-minded principles which once made the DisBenters respectable in the eyes of all mankind.

As for the rest-the energies of this country-the union which happily prevailed amongst the Catholic body-the noble spirit by which they were animated-and, above all, the honest cause for which they suffered, put them before the legislature in an attitude too grand and too imposing to be affected by the hostility of the Dissenters, and all their boasted influence in that house, where, after all, the Catholic question must be ultimately decided. The Dissenters might degrade themselves-they might come down from that lofty elevation upon which they wished to place their character; but they were mistaken if they thought that they could trample with impunity on the Catholics of Ireland. He hoped that when the hon. gentleman returned to his countrymen, that he would be able to show them that they would best consult their own dig rity and honour, as well as the general good of the empire: not by siding with the old oppressors of the Irish people, but by walking with the sufferers in trial and in danger, and in throwing over their cause the shield of their protection, and the honourable influence of their power.

The Dissenters were an interesting and powerful part of the people of EngLand of that great people amongst whom he had lived for some years, amongst whom, he was proud to think, he had many friends-there were, to be sure, many bigots in England; but they were so, not from feeling-they were bigoted because they were worse than ignorant of the state of Ireland.

It had been, he might say, for ages the degraded task of mercenary and hostile writers to calumniate the Irish people-to conceal their virtues, to exaggerate their faults, and to misrepresent their motives. These writers succeeded in creating a powerful prejudice in the English mind; but that prejudice was disappearing fast, and it would be driven, he had no doubt, with accelerated motion from a country remarkable for the love of inquiry, the love of justice, and the love of truth. He hoped the honourable gentleman would exert himself to purge the mind of his country from that baleful prejudice, and he was sure that he only expressed the sentiment of every man who heard him, when he gave credit to the honourable gentleman for the sincerity of his opinions, and for the decide, inanly, and able manner in which he expressed them. (Applause.)

The REV. MR. L'ESTRANGE observed, that the origin of his learned friend's having interfered upon the occasion alluded to was, that he (Mr. L'Estrange) and two other clergymen were present at one of those Biblical meetings in Cork when a report was read, and the question put that it be received.

Amongst other questionable passages in the report, it stated that no attempts of proselytism had been made by the society, upon which the Rev. Mr. Fitzgerald, a Catholic clergyman, rose and proposed to prove upon oath, which he was ready to make before Lord Carberry, a magistrate then present, that in several schools which he named the system of proselytism had been attempted, both directly and indirectly. This led to a long discussion; and, finally, the Catholic clergyman quitted the room, after protesting against the proceedings, as they were not allowed to proceed in their observations, not having been any of those appointed by the committee to address the meeting. Upon the next meeting of the Biblicals, his learned friends, whose abilities were sure to come mand attention, took care to be present and state their opinions.

On the same day, Mr. O'Connell, in alluding to the Catholic petition said, that several members of parliament, who calle

themselves the friends of the Catholics, had thrown out their feelers and suggested that the Catholics should not petition for Emancipation during the approaching parliamentary session.

When the advice was conveyed to him he gave his immediate and humble, but most decided negative; and of so much importance did he consider it, that the earliest attention of the legislature should be called to the subject, that he intended to move them to provide for having the general petition for Emancipation in the hands of Sir Francis Burdett, for presentation before the address should be moved to the crown, in order that ministers should have occasion to notice it in the address.

It was known that the king was personally favourable to the measure. Lord Liverpool's opposition had been considerably softened down, and it was possible that even Lord Chancellor Eldon, who doubts upon every subject but Catholic Emancipation, might at last be brought to doubt the utility and prudence of opposing the Catholic claims any longer. Or, should Mr. Canning unite with the Marquis of Lansdowne in forming a cabinet (which was not at all unlikely), there could then be no possible difficulty in overcoming the scruples of the trifling majority who continue to exclude their fellow-subjects from the

bosom of the constitution.

Therefore, so far from relinquishing the opportunity of peti. tioning, he would very strongly recommend that beside the general petition, they should take measures to have one presented every week, upon some particular grievance.

On Saturday, October 16, the Finance Committee commenced their sittings at Home's Royal Arcade, and after they had concluded their preliminary arrangements, the Association met. *

A letter was read from Colonel Talbot, M.P., the late Lord Talbot de Malahide, colleague of Colonel White, expressing his concurrence with the objects and conduct of the Associa tion, and enclosing his subscription of £10.

MR. O'CONNELL said, that there was a duty imposed upor the Catholic Association to express in a very marked manner their gratitude to Colonel Talbot, for the letter just read; and, therefore he would move that the chairman do transmit to Colo. nel Talbot, accompanied by a most respectful letter, the resolu tion expressive of the gratitude, confidence, and affection of the Catholics towards him.

He would be ashamed of the Catholics, if it were necessary to say much in support of the motion for inserting Colonel Talbot's letter upon the minutes. He most fully concurred in the eulogium pronounced by Mr. Kirwan upon the respectable cha

racter who was the subject of it. The senate had not an honester man, nor society a purer gentleman-for many years Colonel Talbot was the representative of the people, and never did he give a vote but for the people's good. When men of larger fortunes discounted their notes for titles and patronage, he was the unwearied advocate and watchful guardian of his country's independence, and it was not his fault that she is now—a petty province.

He would speak of one of Ireland's recreant sons as his conduct merited, although he had hurried himself beyond the reach of human animadversion. Were it permitted to stamp upon the grave of an enemy, Castlereagh's should be distinguished by emblems of infamy and disgrace. He lavished mitres, judges' robes, titles, and pensions in the purchase of his country's independence, at a moment when she was weakened and distracted by the strife of factions. His (Mr. O'Connell's) gratitude to Colonel Talbot would not be the less, because his intrepid and patriotic efforts in that day of national disaster were unsuccess. ful.

It was of no small consequence that Colonel Talbot was, besides being the friend of civil and religious liberty, favourable to parliamentary reform, without which the progress of parliamentary liberality will be tedious. It was a delightful thing to see the county of Dublin so faithfully represented; no county was more so, and while the representatives were true to the people, the people would be steadfast and faithful to them. There were no grounds for either of their representatives being opposed to each other on any future election. They had, as they merited, the confidence of the people; and there could be no doubt, but that both would be again returned to advocate the liberties and rights of the people.

A letter was also read from Lord Viscount Gormanstown, to a similar effect as that of Colonel Talbot.

MR. O'CONNELL said, that in rising to move for the insertion of Lord Gormanstown's letter upon the minutes, he did so with more pleasure than ever he felt in proposing any resolution to the Association.

It was a most cheering and hopeful circumstance to see the Catholic nobility taking away from Catholic enemies, so imposing & reproach on their proceedings, as a disunion or division of ser.Liment amongst themselves, respecting the measures to be adopted for obtaining emancipation. That such feeling no longer exists

is now manifest-the numerous and respectable subscribers to the Catholic rent is demonstrative proof, that they go to parliament speaking with the unanimous voice of the people.

There is no class of Catholics, continued the learned gentleman. who labour under the same disabilities, who suffer the same humbling deprivations of civil rights, as the Catholic peer. Any other Catholic is eligible to exercise his privilege of freeholder and freeman. The Catholic peer, owing to his nominal rank, is deprived of the advantage of voting for a representative peer, and this exclusion is the more vexatious when it is recollected, that the Catholic nobility are the representatives of the ancient and illustrious peerage, and in the present instance, Lord Gormans town is the premier Viscount of Ireland. His patent of creation, bearing date 1457, and the antiquity of his family are recorded with credit and renown in the page of history. From what causo was such a nobleman shut out from the constitution and deprived of his natural rights? Because he adhered to the religion which his ancestors professed when he obtained his creation of nobility.

The glory and boast of Britons is their constitution, and that constitution, they should recollect, was obtained by Catholics. If Lord Gormanstown, or his ancestors, did not change their religion because other lords chose to do so, was it not cruel to exclude him from a participation in the glorious charter, because he continued faithful to the religion of those who procured and established that bulwark of civil rights? Those who vaunt most of British liberty and rights, violate their most essential principle in opposing the admission of a Catholic peer to the benefits of the British constitution.

Mr. O'Connell in conclusion again congratulated the Associ upon this eminent proof of a Catholic unanimity.

tion

The motion passed unanimously.

Mr. O'Connell subsequently moved that the committee which had been appointed to prepare the drafts of several petitions for presentation to parliament, should have leave continue its sittings, and report upon the next day of meeting.

In congratulating the Association, said the learned gent.eman upon its resuming this day its all-important labours, in the sacred cause of civil and religious liberty, I trust I shall be believed in saying that there is no over-weening feeling of paltry vanity in the fervour by which I am impelled to address you.

I think the country should rejoice in the establishment of constitutional body, seeking redress from legislative oppression

by constitutional means, and determined not to violate any principle of law. They should rejoice in having the advantage and example of a body capable and anxious of instructing others, and of warning them of the dangers and consequences of being seduced into opposite courses.

The objects we have in view are open and undisguised. We pray and protest against exclusion from civil rights. We desire no more than an equal admission. If any amongst us had desired that the Catholics should be placed in a situation of superiority over his Protestant brethren and countrymen, I should be the first to oppose so monstrous a proposition. (Hear.)

We desire or seek no pre-eminence, we ask but to be put upon an equal footing, to stand as men and brothers on the same platform with them, not below them. Our demand is founded upon the very principle of Protestantism, which claims for every man the right of worshipping his Creator according to his conscience; but with this necessary corollary, that a man may denominate himself a Christian, but ceases to possess the essence of Christianity when he wants charity, or that first maxim of religion, if he does not concede to others that which he wishes to have done for himself.

We shall go before Parliament speaking with the voice of an oppressed but not a subdued nation; if they reject our earnest and well-founded application, then may we exclaim, what a mockery of justice and legislation !

The Catholics of Ireland found their claims upon a sacred, solemn treaty. We took, unfortunately, the side of legitimacy --we combated for that fundamental principle of the Holy Alliance-that he who is a king by descent, when once king, can never be deposed. We differ from them at present, and we are punished for maintaining opinions then, which all the sovereigns of Europe are leagued to support. Now, though the monarch whom, on the principle of legitimacy, we supported, fied from the fight, and sought a disgraceful security; we continued to fight his cause at our own hazard and expense, till the treaty of Limerick. That treaty was but verbally concluded, when a powerful French force arrived in the field; but the Irish had pledged themselves to the treaty; they rejected the formilable assistance of their allies, and they confirmed the treaty with King William.

Let me ask, how was the treaty observed by the other side ?—— Why, that I am a degraded alien in my native land, is proof of how it was fulfilled.—(Hear, hear, and applauso.) The treaty stipu