But he laughed with supreme contempt at the undermining —at the miserable plans by which they attempted to make the people believe that they were coming as friends-at the insulting policy which induced them-when the people asked for bread, to give them a stone.

The loud acclamations with which this address was received, continued several minutes

WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 24.

AFTER other business a letter was read, signed Geo. Parker Tevers, Rue de Grenelle, Faubourg St. Germain, proposing to procure insertion of articles in the French and Coninental papers. The writer suggested that his proposal should not be inade public, as the advocacy of the French press, if considered spontaneous, would be more serviceable.

MR. O'CONNELL, after reading the letter, observed, that there should be no secrets in the Association, as whatever was good should not be withheld, and whatever was bad should not be stated; and while upon the subject of the press, he would avail himself of the opportunity of noticing some observations that had lately appeared in two of the London papers respecting the Association.

The Morning Post has a vile attack, accusing them of all manner of turpitude, to which Mr. M'Donnell furnished an able reply, but the editor of that print met Mr. M'Donnell's article with an absurd sneer, because he could not controvert it, and he had not the manliness to retract. But what was of most consequence in this tirade was an assertion that the Catholics had offered a slight to Marquis Wellesley, who, it was said, the Association accused of not putting down Orange delinquency.

How little the wretch knew of Ireland, when he thought that the Marquis Wellesley could effect so desirable a purpose. Ho could not do so even with the assistance of the Catholic Association; and if he thought that they were doing any thing to hurt the feelings, or thwart the policy of Marquis Wellesley, then, indeed, he would acknowledge they were doing wrong, for he was persuaded that the Lord Lieutenant's intentions toward Ireland were of the purest and most liberal nature.

The slave of the Courier affected to be alarmed, because one Jack Lawless, a reformer, and O'Connell an agitator, had asserted the necessity of parliamentary reform. It was true they had Idone so, but the Association was in no way committed upon the

subject, nor should they; but did the Courier forget that the principles of legislative policy, by which the British cabinet appear to be guided, is calculated to make every Catholic a reformer; for when their petition is refused with scorn, and when men batter at the gates of corruption without effect, what remaius for them but to endeavour to remove the obstruction to justice and policy?

Hitherto the Catholic petitions have been rejected as but the claims of a few, but at present they are the demands of all Ire land. Mr. O'Connell moved, that Mr. Tever's letter be referred to the Committee.

Mr. Kirwan said, that any situation that might be created at Paris should be open to competition.

Mr. O'Co nell said, the situation should certainly be open to competition.

Motion agreed to.

AGGREGATE MEETING OF THE CATHOLICS OF IRELAND.

DUBLIN, THURSDAY, DECEMBER 2, 1824.

Sir THOMAS ESMONDE, Bart., in the Chair.

MR. O'CONNELL.--I have news for you. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) We really are to be emancipated. (Loud laughter.)

I can see that very plainly, without the Scotch gift of second sight. (Continued laughter.) I can see it in many unequivocal signs and prognostics; I can perceive it in the intellect, and the firmness, and the glorious unanimity, which are now exhibited by the Catholic millions of Ireland. I perceive it in the union that exists between the Catholics and so great and so good a portion of the Protestants, of the land. I perceive in the acts of the illustrious Irish nobleman who is placed at the head of the Irish government. I perceive it in the increased ardour and activity of all our friends, and in the growing distraction of our enemies. I perceive it in the wealth, and the worth, and the talent which surround me. I perceive it in the enthusiasm which every liberal, enlightened, and generous sentiment has awakened in the vast multitude assembled before me. I perceive it, above all, in the writhings and contortions of our ene Lies; in the frantic ribaldry and scandal of the miscreant Mail and ruffian Star-in the abominable falsehood of The Courier,

and the beastly calumnies of The Times and Morning Post.-(Cheers.)

I once saw a caricature describing a flight of parsons, which was first taken for a flight of crows by an observing farmer. As soon as the farmer perceived his mistake, he naturally enough exclaimed, "I hope they will not light upon my farm.” (A laugh.) If the farmer's expectation was disappointed, we can tell something of the consequences which were likely to follow the visitation. (A laugh.) To a flight of this kind we owe our Warders, and Stars, and Mails, and all the unblushing falsehoods to which it is their chief end and aim to give circulation. To this we owe the prostitution of Popish pens, for purposes of Irish degradation-the employment of a herd of renegades to defame the religion and character of Irishmen. (Hear, hear.)

The paymasters of these detestable engines of discord seem latterly to have transferred their patronage to the hirelings of the London press. In Ireland the traffic in falsehood has been avowedly set up as a livelihood. Lies to last twenty-four hours have been purchased at the most enormous prices, by funds drawn from the pockets of the people-any sort of lie, one for seven hours, or one for the tithe of an hour, has had its purchaser. The parsons have perched in London, and there the work of traduction and falsehood goes on with an alacrity that bids fair to transcend in enormity, the worst deeds which we have witnessed in Ireland. (Hear.) The tithes of the Irish poor are going over rapidly to bribe the base press of London.

This is one of the symptoms from which I draw consolation -this is one of the signs of the times, from which I conclude that our emancipation is at hand; I see the certainty of that event in the dying contortions of the serpent of division, which was left in Ireland, when all the other venomous things were destroyed, to blast the fairness of the land. I see it, I again say, in all the lovely features of our glorious unanimity—I see it in the congregated rank, and talent, and wealth assembled here to-day. I see it in the countenance and support which all our measures receive from our ever beloved and venerated clergy. I see it in the excellent dispositions manifested by the great body of the people—in their determination, now more manifest than at any former time, to listen to the voice of their friends, to watch patiently the progress of events, and to suffer those who are labouring to effect their emancipation, to achieve their ends unobstructed by nugatory turbulence, or fruitless resistance to the law of the land. (Cheers.)

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ish were here exactly 652 years; before their coming re divided-they came because they were divided ;

the great engine of their policy; they placed a

e heart of the country; they made the faction every tning and the people nothing. Before the Reformation, the English were put into opposition against the native Irish ; after the Reformation, the Protestant was arrayed against the Catholic; he was selected and placed in power. The history of the country showed, that it was by division that the power of the adverse faction was kept alive; by division they would seek to retain their domination-but the days of delusion were gone by ; the question came home to the English parliament, whether they would prefer the people or the faction..

There

What were the merits of that faction? His learned friend (Mr. Sheil) had shown what little genius or talent was to be found in the University. He would take a wider scope; he would go through the land, and ask where could be found amongst them, dignity of character, or power of mind. was the corrupt and miserable corporation; who were the orators -who were the public speakers amongst them? Why, there was Sir Abraham Bradley King-(a laugh)—there was Master Ellis, God bless the mark-(laughter.) What an orator! (A laugh.) He once had heard Master Ellis attempt a speech, ana he laughed a considerable time after.. Then there was the press. Who were their public writers? From what class were they selected? Every writer they had was a renegade and an apostate. The writers of The Warder, The Star, and The Evening Mail, were all renegades; or if not so, they were foul and faithless wretches, whose writings showed how deeply they were tinged with infidelity, and these the base instruments of a base faction. Was it possible that seven millions of people were to be longer kept in a state of servitude to answer the purposes of a talentless, tasteless, virulent faction?

The people of Ireland would go before parliament-let the parliament choose between them. Where the faction were weak in numbers they were contemptible in talents and influence— where they were strong, as in the North of Ireland, blood and desolation marked their progress-the conflagration of peaceful dwellings-the corpses of the murdered, and the wailings and lamentations of women and of orphans. Can England, without shuddering, support such a party before the eyes of an indignant world? Against whom were they to support that party? Against the people against seven millions of the Irish people-men who

were never guilty of treachery, who sought no innovation, waose uniy crime was a faithful and pious adherence to the religion, which the ancestors of the English people followed.

The Catholics were anxious to stand or to fall with England, England, who wanted such an alliance, who was surrounded by nations who now wisely employed the years of peace to increase their forces and to recruit their finances-she wanted the holy alliance of the people. It was not to the alliance of a Siberian despot-it was not to the alliance of a man who had violated hin word in the face of all Europe-it was not to Hungary or Austria --it was not to the King of France that England was to look.— France, great in her power, jealous of the greatness and of the commerce of England, could never be counted on as a faithful ally; and might, even while he spoke, declare herself an enemy.

But the people of Ireland offered to the sister country tha hand of sincere friendship; they wished to be bound to her by the ties of a common interest, by the community of equal rights; they were attached to the throne-they adored the constitution. United with England, the common strength of both nations might laugh to scorn the attempt of any enemy. (Applause.) The people of Ireland offered their attachment-and did they ask any thing in return? Yes, they did; they asked this:That as they got no value from the clergy of the Established Church, they might be allowed to pay them moderately. (A laugh.) They asked to be freed from church-rates, and firm the building of churches as they were before the Union.

In

John Bull, it was said, was & fair kind of fellow. Now, what proposition could be made to John Bull more moderate than bis-"If we, the Papists, give the ministers of your religion any trouble, we are willing to pay for it; but, where we give no trouble at all, allow us to pay them in moderation." (Hear, hear.) Again, the Catholics complained of the excessive power given by statute law to country magistrates-a power which should never be intrusted to such hands in a free country. fine, the people of Ireland only asked that the principles of the revolution might be carried into effect. The principles of the revolution interrupted the course of hereditary succession, forced James from the throne, because he attempted to interfere with the consciences of his subjects. (Hear, hear.) The Catholics of Ireland only claimed the sacred rights of conscience; they only asked the poor privilege of being allowed to follow, without pains or penalties of any kind, the religion for which they had suffered so much, and which still they would rather suffer tor

VOL. II.

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