quence of this tax. He would give his vote for the motion.

Colonel Foley alluded to the intimations given on this subject to the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer, on a former occasion, in consequence of the instructions which most of the county members had received from their constituents on the oppressive operation of the tax, and was sorry that they had been wholly disregarded. When the right hon. the Secretary for the Treasury complained that the witnesses examined before the Committee were all interested, he must tell him, begging his pardon, that he spoke nonsense; and that those who recommended the measure to the right hon. gentleman were equally interested. He had heard that this measure originated with the right hon. Secretary, and not with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and was sorry that the right hon. gentleman had adopted the spurious offspring of another. He, however, hoped that the Chancellor of the Exchequer would persevere, that he would abandon the benedictions of his friend to receive the gratitude of thousands whom he would thereby save from ruin.

ners were advised to lessen their trade, in order to see if the tax would be taken off. Objections might be raised to all taxes, but nobody had, in this case, pointed out a better as a substitute. It appeared, from evidence, that the price of leather was not affected by the tax. The increased price of the manufactured goods did not depend so much on the tax on leather as on the fluctuation of the price of the raw materials. The price had in five years risen from five to eight shillings, before the new duty, without complaint from the consumers. In the same time skins had advanced from two to four shillings. The fluctuation was of such a nature that the repeal was unlikely to have any effect. In 1799, a witness said that leather was tenpence a pound, and now it was four shillings. He was willing to give the evidence on both sides due weight, as it was valuable; but many answers were given to questions not precisely understood. It was evident that the tanner was sufficiently reimbursed. The sufferings in Stafford arose from other circumstances: wages had been raised there by a combination of the workmen, and it was evident that the tanning trade could not possibly be so ruinous as was represented. The effect on the export trade, it appeared had not been unfavourable, because it appeared that from 664,000 lbs. exported in 1810, and 1,164,000 lbs. in 1811, the export had increased in 1812 to 3,008,000 lbs. The drawbacks last year were also double what they had been in the preceding one. The question, whether it might be proper to alter the mode of imposing the chargebut this was one which it was not fit to debate in that House; he should, however, make all due inquiries on the sub

Sir C. Monck remarked that two-thirds of the leather were lost in the currying, so that the tax was trebled upon the consumer. On every ground which had been stated, he felt he must support the motion. The Chancellor of the Exchequer spoke, at some length, in favour of the tax. It was true, that the tax had been previously considered before it came into his hands; but the experience of the past year confirmed his opinion, that it could not be given up without public detriment, and he knew of no other tax less objectionable. If now repealed, the supposed benefits could not be produced: but a clear gainject. would accrue to individuals. The price of leather had been affected by other causes, and the repeal would not reduce it therefore be could see no relief for the poor. He praised the degree of accuracy with which the public accounts of the revenue were made up. It was an error to say this tax was unproductive; which might be seen by looking at its product, and comparing it with others. In three quarters, ending April the 5th, it brought 118,000.; the glass duty imposed at the same time, producing only 2,0891. The tax was originally carried by only a small majority, but there had been afterwards a very busy canvass and intrigue through the country in favour of its repeal. Tan

Mr. Western rose to state the effect of the tax on the trade of leather; as appeared by the documents on the table, 93,000 hides having been imported in 1810 and only 35,000 last year, which were all re-exported. This amounted to a decay of one-third of the whole trade. The duty was in effect 80 per cent. on the prices of foreign hides. The exportation, though increased as to Ireland, had decreased to foreign parts. In 1810 this latter branch was 136,000 lbs. in 1811, 101,000 lbs. and in 1810 only 92,000 lbs. This difference he conceived to be owing to the decay of the trade, and, therefore, thought this was not the time for taxing the raw material.

Christianity generally, without reference | to any particular sectarian doctrines. The hon. member had pronounced a high euJogium upon the general conduct and character of the body to whom the petitioners belonged, that body having, although it commenced under peculiar disadvantages, succeeded in promoting very considerably the great interests of religion, humanity and learning. In India it was known that, although the Baptist Missionaries were not originally proficients in literature, they had contrived to acquire an intimate knowledge of the Sanscrit and several Indian languages. Indeed Dr. Carey (one of the most distinguished of the Baptist Missionaries), in consequence of his proficiency in these languages, and his general merit; had been appointed by lord Wellesley a professor in the college of Calcutta. But, there was this farther and remarkable merit belonging to the Baptist Missionaries; that they were now engaged in translating the Bible into ten or eleven different languages of India, and that the produce of their literary labour and industry had, instead of being appropriated to their own use, been uniformly thrown into the common fund for extending the adoption and influence of Christianity. [Hear, hear!] After reading the testimonies of lords Wellesley and Minto in favour of these Missionaries, with the copy of the authentic instructions which they received when proceeding on their mission, the hon. gentleman concluded with moving that the Petition be received.

much bravery in repelling the invasion of the enemy, as to deserve every favour this country could bestow upon them. It was ruinous to trade in general, and more especially injurious to the shipping interest, which employed between five and six hundred sail of regular ships in the trade of Quebec alone, and which were now without freight by the interference of neutral ships provided with licenses. It had been said in defence of that system, that as the greatest part of the American ports could not be blockaded during the whole year, neutrals would at all events get possession of that trade; and it was better, since they were to enjoy it, that it should be under some regulations advantageous to us. This, however, was a plausible argument, and nothing else. It was true, indeed, that some of the American ports could not be blockaded throughout the year, but then there was no other market open to the kind of American produce he had alluded to but our West India colonies; for the description of neutrals the present system of warfare admitted, could not carry it to France or to her dependencies, being considered by that power as enemies. By encouraging that exportation from the United States, we were, in fact, submitting our own American provinces to the commercial pressure which was intended against the enemy. It had been said also, that our American provinces were not able to supply the West India market with a sufficient quantity of lumber and staves: this, however, he could deny from the most respectable auGeneral Gascoyne confirmed the state-thority. Lumber and staves were at prement of the hon. gentleman, as to the sent unsaleable in Canada, Nova Scotia, mistake which had gone forth on the sub- and the Prince of Wales's Island, from the ject of the intentions of the Baptists. want of demand: and they had on hand The Petition was then ordered to lie on the table.

AMERICAN LICENCE TRADE.] Mr. Marryat presented a Petition from certain merchants of London, which he wished to preface by a few observations, and trusted the House would favour him with an attention equal to the importance of the subject. The chief complaint of the petitioners was, the encouragement given by licenses to the trade of lumber and staves, between the United States of America and our West India colonies, whilst the Americans took nothing from us. This system was unjust and ruinous to our colonies, or rather to our provinces in North America, which had evinced so much loyalty and so

a stock sufficient to supply the West Indies for five years. In a political point of view, the system was equally erroneous; as it prevented the States of America, which supplied those articles, from feeling the pressure of the war, the only thing perhaps which could thoroughly disgust them with it. He had always been against the system of licenses; but he thought that in no case had it been more injuriously extended. The hon. gentleman then adverted to the decrease of British seamen, owing to the employment of foreign shipping. This had been proved in the most melancholy way, in the action of the Java against the Constitution; a great part of the crew of our frigate consisted of foreigners who refused to obey the orders of

the captain to repair the ship in the intermission of the action, whereas the American frigate was ready in an hour to renew the engagement. He understood, that on board most of the men of war, there was the same unusual proportion of foreign seamen, and this could be attributed to no other cause, but to the encouragement exclusively given to foreign shipping. The hon. gentleman then apologized to the House for having trespassed so long on their time; but he had thought it necessary to say so much, on such an important subject.

Sir William Curtis approved also of the principles of the Petition.

The Petition was then brought up and read, setting forth,

trade, it was an evil naturally attendant on a state of warfare, and had been so from time immemorial, but that was no reason for giving up all trade, because it could not be carried on in English bot toms. As to the produce of our American colonies, it was sufficiently protected by the high duties imposed in all the West India islands upon foreign lumber, and which was such, that many represen tations had been made, complaining that those duties amounted to a prohibition. The hon. gentleman concluded by observing, that commerce, in time of war, Mr. Robinson thought that the hon. could not be attended with the same benegentleman had been very far from taking ficial consequences as in time of peace, a correct view of the subject; he had and the only duty of government was to seemed to object to the granting of li-devise the best way possible under existcenses for American exportation, especial- ing circumstances. ly on the ground that they contained no specific condition for an adequate quantity of exports on our side. But this condition was necessary only when the power with which we traded had imposed a similar one on his side, as was the case in respect to France. That power had first enacted, that for every article of importation she might be disposed to admit, an adequate exportation of her own produce should previously take place; it was of course necessary to meet her on equal terms, or no trade could possibly take place; but in any other circumstances it was impolitic to force exports. It should be besides recollected, that previous to the declaration of war, a number of American vessels had sailed from the ports of this country, laden with the produce of our manufac. tures, and the licenses now so much complained of, might be considered as a just way of affording America the means of paying for the goods she had thus got before hand. It was impossible, besides, to carry on long a trade when all the advantages of exportation were on one side; and it ought to be considered, that America took our manufactures in exchange for her raw produce, and we were in a manner compelled to that advantageous exchange, for she had nothing else to give. If it was true, which he did not pretend to deny, that American ports could not be blockaded during the whole year, and that neutrals might then enjoy that trade undisturbed, why should we deprive our merchants of a fair participation in it? Licences were, besides, for unblockaded ports only, and to these neutral vessels had access at all times. As to the employment of foreign ships to carry on our (VOL. XXVI.)

"That by the Act 43 Geo. 3, c. 153, various articles therein specified may be imported from hostile countries in neutral ships, and any goods, wares, or merchandize, specified in any order of council, may also be so imported, in contravention of the Act of 12 Car. 2, c. 18, for the encouraging and increasing of shipping and navigation; and that, by the Act 48 Geo. 3, c. 37, any goods, wares, or merchandizes, specified in any order of council or licence, are permitted to be imported, during the continuance of hostilities, from any port or place from which the British flag is excluded in any vessels belonging to any country, whether in amity with his Majesty or not, in further contravention of the said Act; and that the petitioners humbly conceive, both from the important national interests dependent on the aforesaid Act of 12 Car. 2, c. 18, as well as from the purport of the Acts of the 43d and 48th of his present Majesty, that it was not the intention of the legislature to dispense with the provisions of the aforesaid Act, for the encouraging and increasing of shipping and navigation, in any other than cases of urgent necessity; and that the petitioners have therefore learnt, with equal surprize and regret, that it is in the contemplation of his Majesty's government to authorize the importation into the United Kingdom, in neutral vessels, of certain articles of the growth and produce of the United States of America, although those states are now engaged in the most inveterate and unprovoked hostilities (R)

against this country; and that the peti- | sity formed the first grounds of the present tioners have reason to doubt whether any exertions of Russia; that a principle, necessity exists for the admission into the thus powerful, should therefore be applied United Kingdom of any of the articles of to the encouragement of their enemies, the growth and produce of the United and the discouragement of those colonists States; but more particularly they begin whose fate the honour of the whole emleave to state their conviction that no ne- pire is engaged, and the interests and forcessity can exist for the admission of tunes of the petitioners more immediately American ashes, staves, or wood of any involved, is to them a source of the greatest kind, as the markets of this kingdom have, alarm; and that the petitioners further for several years last past, not only been conceive, that, in the present war with the fully supplied, but were absolutely over- United States of America, it is most essenstocked with the articles last mentioned, tially necessary to make the inhabitants imported chiefly from the British North of those states feel the pressure thereof on American colonies, in British ships, and their trade as an important means of repaid for in British manufactures; and ducing their government to sentiments of that large additional quantities of all the moderation, for, should the war be unforaforesaid articles, and more than sufficient tunately protracted so as to enable those for the demand and consumption of this states to form a disciplined army, the pecountry, may be imported this season from titioners cannot but apprehend, from their the said colonies, if not prevented by the great numerical superiority, the eventual admission of the same articles from the loss to this kingdom of all its North AmeUnited States, which, if licensed by his rican colonies; and that the petitioners Majesty's government, must, from the beg leave humbly to represent that, indelower rate of freight and insurance at pendently of the various evils which they which the same, if so licensed, could be have specified as likely to arise from the imported, entirely destroy the trade of proposed measure, it appears to them that those colonies; and that the petitioners, no adequate motives can be assigned for independently of the total destruction of the adoption thereof; it is a well-known their trade, have reason to dread still fact, that the balance of debt is at present greater evils from the measure in question, greatly in favour of the United States if adopted, as they apprehend it will act against this country, and therefore the pronot only as an encouragement to the posed measure cannot be necessary for obUnited States to persevere in the present taining payment of debts due from Amewar, but as a discouragement, in an equal rican citizens to British subjects, nor yet degree, to the inhabitants of the British for realising property or effects belonging North American colonies, whom the peti- to British subjects in the United States, tioners much fear it might lead to relax in since the amount of British property in those exertions which have hitherto con- that country is by no means equal to the tributed so materially to preserve those amount of American property in this; invaluable colonies; and that the peti- neither does it appear to the petitioners, tioners humbly conceive, that no fact has that the proposed measure can be neces been more clearly established, by the ex-sary to prevent other countries being supperience of late years, than the import-plied with the raw materials of our manuance, not to say the necessity, of every factures below the rate at which this councountry providing, as far as possible, for try can procure them, for, although the the sale of those commodities and articles blockade of the ports of the United States of produce, the manufacturing or raising may not be adequate to prevent all trade of which tend, in the greatest degree, to in the produce and commodities of those employ the industry and promote the ge- states, it is fully sufficient to enhance the neral prosperity of the community; to rates of freight and insurance so much as this necessity his Majesty's ministers were to prevent their produce being exported last year induced, contrary to their own at such rates as either to interfere with avowed conviction of expediency, to sa- British manufactures, or to afford any macrifice the Orders in Council; to a similar terial encouragement to the industry of necessity, the government of the United those states; and praying, that the imStates was obliged, four years ago, to sa-portation from an enemy's country of any crifice its system of embargoes, the favourite measure of the present ruling party of that country, and the same neces

goods or merchandize, the produce of such country, and more especially of ashes, staves, and wood of any kind, from the