United States of America, may be prohibited, or that such other remedy may be applied, as to the House shall seem meet. Ordered to lie upon the table. ADMIRALTY REGISTRAR'S BILL.] The House resolved itself into a committee on the Admiralty Registrar's Bill, when several clauses were brought up and read. Sir W. Scott, after some remarks upon the mode in which this Bill had been introduced, proposed two additional clauses. 1. To exempt from the operation of the Act the Instance Court of Admiralty, on account of the smallness of the sums in dispute in the suits there pending. 2. To continue in the hands of the Registrar of the court of Admiralty, constantly, the sum of 10,000l. to defray the necessary expence of stamps, &c. &c. Mr. H. Martin did not oppose the clauses, taking it for granted that the representation of their necessity was correct; but he did not exactly see how so large a sum was requisite. Sir W. Scott, in reply, adverted to the inconvenience that would result from the payment of all small sums into the hands of the governor of the Bank of England, and adduced this as a reason in support of both his clauses. Mr. Whitbread thought that small sums could be as easily paid into the Bank as large amounts. Mr. Stephen and sir John Nichol supported sir W. Scott's clauses, and after a short conversation they were agreed to, the judge of the Admiralty undertaking that no more than 10,000l. should remain in the hands of the Registrar. The Report was then brought up, received, and ordered to be taken into further consideration on Friday. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Wednesday, May 19. LEATHER TAX.] Mr. Benson rose to put a question to the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He was desirous of ascertaining for the satisfaction of the public, whether it was the intention of the right hon. gentleman, after the vote of the House last night, to oppose the Bill, the second reading of which stood for to morrow. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that though he did not know by what authority the hon. gentleman thought he had IRISH FINANCE.] Mr. O'Hara rose, in pursuance of his notice, to bring forward a motion relative to the Finance of Ireland, but the hon. gentleman spoke throughout in a tone so inaudible in the gallery, that we cannot attempt to give even an outline of what he said. We understood him to object to the Report of the Finance Committee as incomplete, and to complain of the violation of the 7th Article of the Union; and he entered into a variety of calculations to prove that Ireland paid a proportion greater than the amount contemplated at the period of the Union. The hon. gentleman concluded with moving, "That the Report which, upon the 22d of July 1812, was made from the Select Committee, to whom the several accounts and papers presented to the House in 1811, relating to the public income and expenditure of Ireland, were referred, be referred to a committee." Mr. W. Fitzgerald thought the referring it to a committee was quite unnecessary. The 7th Article of the Union had been much misrepresented by the hon. member, indeed his construction of it was in direct opposition to that which had been put on it by parliament itself. The points enforced in support of this motion had already been fully discussed in the committee, and he, therefore, could not think that the House was called to acquiesce in the proposition for referring it to a committee. Sir J. Newport could not approve of the construction put on the 7th Article of the Act of Union by his hon. friend, and therefore could not support his motion; but he certainly thought that the question respecting the ratio of contribution on the part of Ireland worthy of inquiry, and he should take another opportunity of speaking on that point. Mr. O'Hara replied, after which the motion was negatived without a division. ROMAN CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL.] On the motion of Mr. Grattan, the House re◄ solved itself into a Committee of the whole House, to consider further of the Bill to provide for the removal of the Civil and Military Disqualifications under which his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects now labour. Mr. Canning, in bringing up some new clauses, observed, that in them he had endeavoured to combine and meet the views of most of those with whom he had had communication on this most important subject; and he had been particularly anxious to avail himself of the suggestions of a noble lord (Castlereagh), and he hoped he had been successful. He trusted, that he had now succeeded in arranging effectual securities, not only for Protestant, but also for Catholic freedom. He should not now detain the Committee for the purpose of explaining his clauses, except it was desired; but should wait, as had been previously arranged, until the whole had been printed, and had regularly come to the hands of every member. its objects, and in more clearly explaining its views in the country to which he was going. Lord Castlereagh expressed his concern at the intended departure of the hon. member who had just spoke; but he drew some consolation from that circumstance, as it was to be hoped that the hon. member would endeavour to remove those false impressions which had been made on the minds of some persons in Ireland, respecting the nature of the Bill. Now that he was on his legs, he could not but bear testimony to the success which had attended the right hon. member's (Mr. Canning's) endeavours to meet his (lord Castlereagh's views in the clauses which had just been presented; and he hoped, in the progress of the Bill, that he should be able to give his cordial support to the Bill: at present it had his concurrence. Mr. Lockhart thought that further time ought to be given for the consideration of the new clauses, as they would not be printed for two or three days, and on Monday they were to be discussed. He wished for further time, not only on account of members of that House, but also on account of the people of England. He disliked precipitation on a subject of so much importance. Mr. Canning had no objection to go into a full explanation of all his views in proposing the clauses, if the Committee wished him to do so at the present moment: but he had conceived it to be understood that nothing would be said that night that could call forth any thing like debate; that the clauses would be proposed pro forma for the purpose of having them printed, which would be done in twenty Mr. Plunkett observed, that in the present state of the Bill, he should not occupy much of their time in expressing his complete approbation of all that was now before them; but if the Committee would pardon him, he would trespass on them for one moment, as this might be the last opportunity he should have of addressing them on the present subject, as he was about to absent himself from this part of the kingdom for some time. He had paid the greatest attention to the clauses just proposed by the right hon. gentleman as well as to the labour of the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Grattan). He was happy to say, that the entire of the clauses as they now stood, had his most cordial approbation. More he would not say on the present occasion, but he was rejoiced to see that the right hon. gentleman had succeeded so well in the accomplishment of the two great objects of the measure-four hours, and therefore he had abstained security to the principles and establishments of the Protestant, and also to the free exercise of the opinion of the Catholic, at the same time that he was admitted to participate in the benefits of the constitution. It was his opinion, that those objects had been most clearly and satisfactorily accomplished by the Bill in its present state-that such securities had been proposed as ought to satisfy even the most jealous of the Protestants, as well as the most inimical amongst the Catholics. In thus briefly stating his cordial approbation of the whole of the clauses, he could not sit down without expressing his hope, though he might not be present in his place to support the Bill, that he might not be useless in promoting from any thing like remark or explanation. But at present, he really thought the House was not in a state to go into that explanation, and as there were only shades of difference between many of the friends of the Bill, imperfect statements might have an injurious effect, and which could only be avoided by waiting till the clauses were printed and in the hands of every member. The time occupied by the printing would be very short, but he was ready to give full explanation now if required. Lord Castlereagh thought, that on so delicate a subject, explanation at the present moment was very unadvisable; that it would be much better to wait till the clauses should be printed. Mr. Ryder differed from his noble friend. | in the cotton trade, in the town of PaisHe thought some explanation of the clauses ley, and the vicinity thereof; setting ought to be given, before the House came forth, to the discussion of them. They had just received clauses which would not be printed, perhaps, before Saturday; and on Monday they were to be discussed. The subject was one of delicacy-but ought it therefore to be so precipitated? The clauses might be of great length; and they ought first to be printed, then to be explained after they were in the hands of the members, and further time ought to be given for the discussion of them. He could not but express his regret at the intended departure of an hon. member opposite (Mr. Plunkett), though, possibly, he might have reason to dread his talents; yet he could not but regret that the House would not have the benefit of those talents in the further discussions that might take place on the Bill. Though that hon. member had expressed his cordial approbation of the entire of the clauses, he (Mr. R.) still retained the opinion which he had already expressed against the principle of the Bill; and he had little hope that any thing would be adduced which could induce him, in the future opportunities which he should have of expressing his sentiments, of altering the opinion which he had already given. Mr. Canning stated, that the clauses would be ready for every member long before Saturday; that they would be printed by to-morrow evening at latest; and therefore the complaints that had been made were not well founded. He, however, could not but express his hope, as well as his firm belief, that the endeavours of the right hon. gentleman to disparage the Bill would be futile, especially as the attempts had been made in a somewhat irregular manner, at a moment when it was understood on all sides that nothing should be said this night that could call forth any thing like debate. The clauses were passed, as having been read a first time, after which the House resumed, when the Chairman obtained leave to sit again on Monday next.-Ordered to be printed. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Thursday, May 20. PETITION OF COTTON SPINNERS OF PAISLEY.] Mr. Finlay presented a Petition from the cotton spinners, manufacturers, and merchants, and others interested "That the cotton manufacture is by far the most extensive and important branch of trade carried on by the inhabitants of that part of the country, and particularly that part thereof consisting of fine and fancy muslins, which the petitioners humbly presume is no where else manufactured either in similar perfection or to the same extent; in this manufacture the great proportion of their capital is embarked, and on it all classes of society most materially depend for support: and that viewing, therefore, the preservation and prosperity of the cotton manufacture as of vital importance, not merely in regard to that district, as altogether dependent upon it, but as intimately connected with the welfare of the British empire, the petitioners view, with serious alarm, and apprehension of danger to the prosperity of the trade, a prohibition, of, or other regulation restricting the importation of cotton wool, the growth of the United States of America, because the petitioners humbly conceive that such prohibition would effectually check and destroy that valuable manufacture, as they almost exclusively, or at least in a great measure, depend on the regular supply of this description of the raw material for enabling them to carry on the manufacture, especially of the finer sorts of cotton goods, in the manufacture of which no other kind of cotton can be substituted for that of the United States, while its exclusion would accelerate and encourage the introduction of the manufactures enjoyed by this nation into foreign countries; and that by the Act of 49 Geo. 3, c. 98, for repealing the several duties of customs chargeable in Great Britain, and for granting other duties in Heu thereof, a duty was imposed upon cotton wool equal to 2d. per pound weight, if imported in British-built ships, and 3d. per pound weight if imported in ships not Britishbuilt; and that the operation of this law is prejudicial to the manufactures of our country, and as such has been felt sensibly by the petitioners, in so much as it has increased the price of the raw material, and consquently reduced in the same proportion the price of labour, so as, upon the whole, to meet the level of foreign markets; and that, while the petitioners are placed in a situation to compete with foreign manufacturers upon equal terms, and free of legislative restrictions on the TURAL SOCIETY RESPECTING THE CORN LAWS.] A Petition of several members of the Workington Agricultural Society, was presented and read; setting forth, "That, notwithstanding the great improvements which have been made in agriculture in every part of the kingdom, in the last ten years, amounting in value of produce to upwards of 20 millions, it appears from the unusual high prices of grain in the present year, that even in moderate seasons the produce is not equal to the consumption; and that, from docu shewn that, in the last ten years, the population of Great Britain has been augmented one eighth, or somewhat more than 1,600,000 and this during a period of unexampled pressure, from war and scarcity; and that, independent of the individual sufferings of a large portion of the community, which cannot be viewed without the deepest regret, the enormous sums paid for grain imported from foreign countries has proved a serious injury to the empire; and therefore the petitioners feel themselves justified in calling upon the House to take the premises into its serious consideration, and, with due deference, recommend a revision of the corn laws and a general inclosure act, both which measures they conceive would materially contribute to the security and encouragement of agriculture, and afford the fairest presumption of obtaining a supply of grain of British growth not only adequate to our present necessities, but to the growing consumption likely to arise from the increasing population of the country." raw material, they are satisfied that no rivalship can disappoint their hopes; but, on the other hand, they have reason to apprehend fatal danger to their trade, were the importation of American cotton, so indispensibly necessary for carrying on their 'trade, to be restricted, or they denied the requisite supply of that article, while the manufacturers of other nations should labour under no such restraint or disadvantage; and, instead of checking the British manufacturer in his exertion to increase and export the manufactures of our country, by increasing the difficulty to procurements on the table of the House, it is the raw material, or totally excluding it, the petitioners submit that it is expedient to permit them to enjoy every possible facility, at the present crisis, to come into competition with the manufacturers of America and the continent of Europe upon equal terms; for, besides the natural advantages enjoyed by the manufacturers of America in procuring the raw material at a cheaper rate than those of this country, the difficulty of being regularly supplied with British goods, of late years, as they formerly were, has of necessity given birth there to similar cotton manufactures with those once exclusively the boast of Britain; and that the petitioners have also good grounds for believing that, during the period of the exclusion of British goods from the continent, the improvement of their manufactures, especially in Prussia, has been so considerable, that they are now able to supply themselves with all but perhaps the finer fabrics of cotton goods, and these too must very soon be manufactured there and in America, if once driven from this country by any exclusion of the raw material, which they continue to enjoy unrestricted and at a cheaper rate; and praying the House to investigate minutely this important subject before adopting any measure relative to it, and particularly to guard against the adoption of any measure which, even in the remotest consequence or tendency, can aid the interests and exertions of our rivals on the continent, or our enemies in America, to supplant the cotton manufacture of Great Britain, or which may, in any manner, prejudice or lessen the demand for British muslins in foreign markets, on which al-presented it this night. The time required most entirely depend the welfare and existence of this great source of imperial wealth." Ordered to lie upon the table. PETITION OF WORKINGTON AGRICUL Ordered to lie on the table. BREACH OF PRIVILEGE-MR. CREEVEY.] Mr. Creevey said he thought it his duty to acquaint the House, that he had been obliged, that day, to pay a fine to the King of 100l. or go to prison, for a supposed libel contained in a speech made by him in that House. Deeming this a case of the greatest importance for the consideration of parliament, he had drawn up a Petition or Remonstrance on the subject, in which he had given a complete detail of the circumstances of the case, intending to have for extending the narrative in a fair and legible form, rendered this impossible tonight. The Petition and Remonstrance should be ready to be presented to-morrow; and in the mean time he thought himself called on to give this intimation to the House, thereby availing himself of the earliest opportunity of apprising them of the situation in which he had been placed. His Petition and Remonstrance he should present to-morrow, and should then name some other day on which to bring the subject under the consideration of parliament. MR. PALMER'S CLAIMS.] Colonel Palmer moved, "That the Resolution which, upon the 16th of May 1808, was reported from the Committee of the whole House, to whom it was referred to consider of the Report which, upon the 13th of July 1807, was made from the Committee on the Petition of John Palmer, of the city of Bath, esq.; and to whom the Report which, upon the 13th of July 1797, was made from the Committee appointed to consider of the agreement made with Mr. Palmer for the reform and improvement of the Post Office and its revenue, might be read:" -And the same was read accordingly, as follows: "Resolved, That Mr. Palmer is entitled to his per centage on the net increased revenue of the Post Office beyond the sum of 240,000l. to be paid him from the 5th of April 1793, and during his life, according to the provisions of the appointment of 1789, deducting the sum of 3,000l. a year received subsequent to the 5th of April 1793." He then moved, That the said Resolution be referred to a Committee. The Speaker asked, being a grant of public money, if the subject was recommended by the crown? The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, he had very considerable difficulty on this subject. He was of opinion the claim was unfounded, but as the House had formerly debated and come to decisions upon the question, he did not think it right to withhold from the hon. gentleman an opportunity of bringing forward his mo tion. The motion was then put and agreed to; and certain accounts were ordered to be referred to the committee. IRISH MALT DUTIES' BILL.] Mr. W. Fitzgerald moved the order of the day, for the House to go into a Committee on the Irish Malt Duties' Bill. He observed, at the same time, that at the suggestion of several Irish members, he had been induced to raise the duty 3s. only per barrel instead of 5s. and that he expected to make up the deficiency between the two sums by some new regulations in the collection of the duty, and by new mea sures to prevent illicit malting and illicit distillation.-On the motion for the Speaker leaving the chair, Sir John Newport rose to oppose it. The statement just made to the House had not in the least altered his sentiments respecting the measure, and he would take the liberty of stating his objections to the House; and if he could be as fortunate as he had been in 1809, when he had been the means of preventing a minister from adopting a similar measure, he should consider that he had done an essential service to Ireland. He should first premise, that, however revenue might be wanting in the present circumstances of the country, yet, if revenue could not be procured but by contaminating the morals of the people, it should be instantly rejected with indignation. If he could prove, therefore, that the intended duty would drive the people from the use of beer, to which they were now accustomed, to that of spirits, he was sure he should have the House with him in rejecting the measure. But this was not all he would prove that this evil would not even be compensated by any increase of revenue, and that the augmentation of duty would reduce the produce of it. This had uniformly taken place since the year 1803 to the present time, whenever any augmentation of duty on malt had taken place in Ireland. The right hon. baronet went into a variety of details to prove his assertion, and produced comparative tables of the amount of the duty laid, and of its actual produce. From these he maintained, that, including the deficiency in the newly imposed duties, there was a deficit of 200,000l. a year on the revenue from malt in Ireland. This was a n.ost decisive proof of what he had so often stated to the House, that an increase of tax was attended with a loss, instead of an increase of revenue; and yet, with these facts staring the House in the face, they were called upon to add full 50 per cent. to the malt duties in Ireland. The right hon. baronet then compared the rate of duties on malt in England and in Ireland, and maintained, that there was no proportion. In 1809, when distillation was stopped in Ireland, the breweries alone paid 411,000% malt duty, exceeding by 50,000l. the aggregate amount of duty paid before by breweries and distilleries together. The House should view, with great jealousy, any at |