Winnington, sir T.
Wood, S.
Wrottesley, H.
Wynn, sir W. W.
Wynn, C. W.
Paired off.

Baring, A.
Campbell, G.
Cocks, hon. J. S.
Coke, E.

Ferguson, R. C.

Guise, sir W. B.

Robinson, G. A.

Rowley, sir W.

Russell, M.

Plumer, W.

Spencer, lord F.

Osbaldeston, G.

Spencer, Jos.

Shakspeare, A.

Stanley, lord

Wilkins, W.

Stewart Wortley, J. A.

Holmes, R.

specifying the dates of the several payments, and the names of the lords of the Treasury by whom those issues were authorized.'

Mr. Whitbread moved, that the papers should be printed. At the same time, he wished to know whether it was the intention of the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer to bring his motion on that subject forward on Thursday, as he had announced it. This was a most important question, both in a political and financial point of view. The papers, one of them at least, was rather long, still they might be printed in time for the discussion, as it had been appointed, and he only wished to know the determination of the right hon. gentleman.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer expressed his determination to bring forward his motion on Thursday, unless the hon. gentleman wished to have it postponed to a later day.

Mr. Whitbread declined any such intention, and merely wished to secure a full attendance of members, the question being, as he had said before, most important, both in a political and financial point of view. The discussion on the Civil List was then fixed for Thursday.

Jekyll, Jos.

Latouche, J.

Phipps, hon. E.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Tuesday, May 25.

CIVIL LIST.] Mr. Wharton presented to the House, I." An Account shewing the different sums of money applied in aid of the Civil List Revenues, from the 5th of July 1811 to the present time, distinguishing each quarter, and specifying the sources from which the said aids have been derived. 2. A detailed account respecting the fees of suppressed offices, and money issued on that account to William Chinnery. 3. A detailed account of the several sums issued to William Chinnery, late agent for New South Wales, on account of the Civil Establishment there,

of the East India Company, he was desirous that a day might be fixed for entering on the discussion of the question itself, and an early one would be more necessary with a view to have as full an attendance as possible upon so important a subject. The subject not being new to the House, as it had been pending for a year and a half or two years, and the communication made to the government by the court of directors having been long before the public, he trusted that he could not be accused of precipitation in proposing that the House should resolve itself into a committee of the whole House, on Monday next, to consider further of the affairs of the East India Company.

Mr. John Smith objected to the day proposed by the noble lord as being too early, the House not having had sufficient time to consider the great mass of evidence before them, as some of it was taken so late as Friday last.

Lord Castlereagh said, that in the case of the Orders in Council, where the evidence had been as voluminous as the present, it had been delivered in the same way, and the House had proceeded to the discussion of the question within a week after the examinations had been concluded. He should therefore think that it would be trifling with the House on this great subject, if it were postponed a single day beyond that which he had named.

Mr. Grant said, his attendance on the Committee, on the examination of evidence, had been so constant and unremitting, that he had hitherto had no time to read over the evidence since it had been printed, and was, therefore, not prepared to go into the Committee, so as to do justice to the question; and though he would deprecate delay as much as any man, he thought the question of far too much importance to be treated with any degree of precipitation.

General Gascoyne thought, as the last of the evidence was printed on Friday, there would be time enough between that day and next Monday, to read and consider it. An early day was certainly very necessary, for if it were delayed, it would be impossible to ensure such an attendance as the importance of the question demanded. He hoped, therefore, the noble lord would persist in his motion for Monday.

Mr. Howorth did not wonder that the advocates for the outports should wish to hurry on the business; but as the Company were also very deeply interested in the question, he hoped the noble lord would not press so early a day. For his own part, his attention to, and attendance on the Committee, had been so great, that he had never had time to read the evidence since it was printed.

Mr. Whitbread hoped that the noble lord would agree to the suggestions made by several hon. gentlemen who had spoken. He thought that the noble lord was not right when he supposed that all the members of the House had already read the evidence. An hon. director, who had himself attended the Committee, had assured him that the mass of evidence produced before the Committee was so immense, that he had not been able to find as yet sufficient time for its consideration; and particularly that part which had been brought forward latterly. He hoped the noble lord would not press the question upon the consideration of the House, on a day so early as Monday next.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer was perfectly aware that a mass of evidence of great interest had been laid before the Committee; but time had been given to consider it fully from day to day. Upon the whole, when he combined all the considerations on the subject, he thought that the question should be discussed on a day as early as possible, and that with the view of securing a full attendance.

Mr. P. Moore said, this question, which was to legislate for the vast empire of Aurengzebe, Tamerlane, and Zengis Khan, was certainly of the greatest importance, and ought to receive the most mature consideration. He thought Monday was too early a day.

Sir R. Peel observed, that the East India Company had at the beginning said they would only detain the House six days in the examination of witnesses; instead of that however, they had taken a month, and at the end of that time they said they were not yet ready. If any impression had been made upon the House, it was in favour of the Company, and not of free trade. He therefore trusted that government would persevere in their intention of bringing the question speedily to discussion.

Mr. Astell said, that the question was one of vital importance, and ought not to be hurried.

Lord Milton thought Monday by no means too early a day. The sooner they entered on the subject the more time they would have to give it a mature consideration, and full discussion.

Mr. Tierney said he was unwilling to ask for delay, and for his individual self he would not ask it, but he did so in respect to the feelings of the House. Any gentleman who had attended the Committee from day to day as he had done, would not be able to read and consider the printed evidence before Monday. This was one of the most important questions that had ever come before the House; and if there was any fear of not having a full attendance, the call of the House ought to be continued. Government had no right to have proceeded by Resolutions: they had by so doing created delay, and it was now their wish to hurry on the business. He was of opinion a more distant day should be appointed.

Lord Castlereagh said, it was most extraordinary such an objection should come from those who had taken most pains, and had the best means to understand the sub

ject, which touched so nearly the interests of the whole empire, that he wished to have it decided in a full House; and it was of the utmost consequence that it should be so. In the case of the Orders in Council, the evidence was printed in the same manner, and then the right hon. gentleman who spoke last was averse from any delay, and thought the evidence might be gone into without any difficulty. He, for his own part, had no wish to hurry it; but if they did not begin early in the week, they would scarcely be able to go into it till after the holidays, and that would throw it into that part of the session which was so much to be deprecated.

Sir J. Newport thought the House ought to make up its mind, either to go into the subject immediately, or postpone it till next session.

Mr. Robinson thought the time too short, and wished for a more distant day.

Mr. Lascelles said he thought this business ought to be entered upon at an early day, and if begun it ought to be gone through with, and no impediments thrown in its way which could be avoided.

Mr. Hurst said he was averse from any delay, and thought Monday was a very proper day.

It was then ordered, that the House do on Monday next resolve into the said committee.

IRISH FIRE ARMS BILL.] Mr. Peel, pursuant to notice, moved for leave to give in a Bill, to continue the Acts of the 47th and 50th of his present Majesty, to prevent improper persons from having Fire-arms in their custody. The Bill he meant to introduce would even go further towards protecting the liberty of the subject, than the Acts it was intended to revive; as it was meant to enact that no search for fire-arms should take place but in presence of two magistrates. Under those circumstances, he did not expect any opposition but from the right hon. baronet opposite, and he would reserve his further observations for the future stages of the Bill.

Sir J. Newport thought something more should be adduced before the House would pass a law, which would completely distinguish the people of Ireland from those of England. The right hon. gentleman had said, that no injury had been sustained from the Act of 1810. Surely this was not a sufficient reason to continue the law. The same argument had been urged in ( VOL. XXVI. )

support of the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act; but it had at length been found necessary to restore the Act to its operation. The right hon. baronet complained that sufficient cause had not been shewn, to induce the House to renew the Act. The time of bringing forward the motion was particularly inauspiciouscoupled with the decision of last night, he was afraid it would be productive of evil consequences.

Mr. Dennis Browne said, that if he knew of concealed arms, he would seize them without any application to the lord lieutenant. He thought the principle of the Act good-the line of demarkation between the people of England and Ireland, exceedingly plain. The Catholic question had nothing to do with the motion.

Sir F. Flood said, this was only a measure of precaution, and a wholesome enactment for the preservation of the peace of the country.

Sir H. Parnell maintained, that it was necessary to lay down grounds for the continuation of the Act; the measure was legislated in times of real danger, but he saw little reason now to allow magistrates to have the power of searching houses for fire-arms which had not been registered. The loss of the question of last night would create considerable sensation among the people, and therefore he conceived the present measure was very impolitic.

Lord Desart declared that considerable quantities of unregistered arms were dispersed about the country which the magistrates were not empowered to seize. The present measure was one of kindness and mercy, for it protected the insulated cottager against the attacks of lawless ruffians who infested many counties. From the knowledge that he had of the state of the country and the people's minds, it would be a measure equally cruel and impolitic to prevent the continuation of an Act so conducive to individual and public safety.

General Hart thought the powers given by the Bill were too small. He and other magistrates knew, that in certain districts, plans were laid by mischievous persons to procure arms by force, to be used for the worst of purposes, and the powers of the magistrates ought to be enlarged.

Mr. Shaw said, that the sense of the people of Ireland was with the Act; he thought the provisions of the Bill were too lenient. It would be extremely wrong to cramp the hands of government. (2 B)

Mr. Rochford said, there was a necessity for having the Bill renewed.

Mr. Lyttleton said, that considerable agitation had been represented to prevail amongst the people, therefore it became incumbent upon them to renew the measure; for should the peace of Ireland be disturbed, the government were responsible for not making provisions against it. Sir J. Newport said, the purpose for which he had risen had been answered, as various members had stated disturbances to prevail in Ireland, which rendered the measure necessary. A reason being given to justify the House in adopting this Bill, he should withdraw all opposition to it.

Mr. P. Moore opposed the motion, and contended no ground was laid for resorting to the measure proposed.

Mr. Odell spoke in favour of the motion. Mr. Peel, in reply, defended the motion, and denied that it had any connection with the decision of yesterday. The object of the Bill was to preserve the peace by means of the civil power, to avoid resorting to the military. To prove it necessary, he read several communications which had been received within the last month. The first was a letter from a magistrate in Limerick, in which it was stated that a formidable party of fifty armed men had entered that town, at two o'clock on the preceding Sunday, and immediately proceeded to attack the bridewell of the town, for the purpose of rescuing a person there confined, charged with having murdered two men, and with having fired a house. They effected their object, took the men from prison, and fired several shots at it. The next was a letter from Waterford, which set forth, that on the night of the 5th of April a banditti of nine or ten persons had severely beaten a farmer in a most cruel manner, for no other reason than that he was a native of another county, but had many years resided in that. The next was a representation made to the Lord Lieutenant, in the case of a man named Garth, who had been attacked by an armed banditti. They surrounded his house, and attempted to break in, in order to rob him of his arms. He, how ever, was not intimidated, but resolutely defended himself, and by killing two of the villains, so frightened the others, that they made off. He had in the first instance begged of them to go away, telling them that he was determined to defend himself, and that such a catastrophe might be the consequence of their persevering in

their design. They, however, did not attend to him, and the result was, that three of the party lost their lives, one being found dead in a neighbouring field next morning. He then read a narrative, from which it appeared, that this man, ever since the attack made on him, had been obliged to remain constantly on his defence. On Palm Sunday last he went to church, and after service, a person came behind him shortly after he had left the church, and lodged three balls in his back. Though hundreds of persons were by at the time, it being Palm Sunday, the villain escaped. A surgeon was sent for, who extracted one of the balls, the others remained in his back. The man was stated to be doing well, but not yet out of danger. This it was to be observed was merely for defending himself; for resisting the outrageous attacks of banditti.

Mr. Wynn was glad this information had been given to the House, and felt obliged to the right hon. baronet for having caused this statement to be made.

Leave was given to bring in the Bill.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Wednesday, May 26.

PETITION OF THE COTTON SPINNERS, &C. OF STOCKPORT.] A Petition of several merchants, spinners, and manufacturers of cotton, in the town of Stockport and its vicinity, was presented and read; setting forth,

"That the Petitioners give employment to many thousands of hands in spinning, weaving, and other processes of the cotton manufacture; and that the price of cotton wool has advanced, in the last six months, full 50 per cent. which has pressed heavily upon the trade of the petitioners, and has hitherto prevented them, in a great measure, from benefiting by the late happy change in the state of the continent of Europe; a necessary consequence of this is, that they are thereby deprived of the means of increasing, in any material degree, the wages of their workmen, some classes of whom, particularly the weavers, are still most inadequately paid for their labour; and that, for some years past, the wages of that very numerous, useful, and ingenious class, have averaged less by far than those of the lowest species of day-labour, which has reduced them to such straits, that it is not to be wondered at if some of them should at last have listened to the evil-disposed

and designing, and, impelled by want, I joined in those disorders, the memory of which is still too recent to require being here enlarged upon; and that, thus situated, and with the recollection of these scenes fresh on their minds, the petitioners have heard, with equal astonishment and alarm, that petitions have been presented to the House, praying that the importation of cotton wool from the United States of North America may be prohibited, or that such regulations or restrictions may be adopted in regard to it, as may nearly amount to a prohibition; and that, should it be found necssary or expedient, in the vigorous prosecution of the war against those states, so to blockade their ports as to prevent all intercourse between America and the rest of the world, the petitioners, although they would suffer more by this measure than perhaps any other class of their fellow subjects, would bear the consequent privations without complaint; but a partial measure which, to enrich a few individuals, shall exclude the produce of America from this country alone, and thereby throw the most valuable portion of the raw material into the hands of its continental rivals in the manufacture, they do most earnestly deprecate for themselves, and for the thousands who depend upon them for employment and for bread; and that the existing duties upon the importation of cotton wool into this country, no part of which is drawn back upon the exportation of the manufactured article, operate as a direct and powerful encouragement to the foreign spinner and manufacturer, and both at home and abroad give an undue advantage to linen and other fabrics that come in competition with those of cotton; it appears, therefore, to the petitioners, that instead of increasing the burthens affecting a raw material, of so much importance to the national industry, it were a more wise, liberal, and enlightened policy to lessen, or repeal altogether, the existing duties on cotton wool, the produce of our own colonies or those of our allies, convinced as they are that any defalcation of revenue that would thence arise, in the first instance, would ultimately be amply compensated by the increase it would directly or indirectly occasion in various other branches; and praying, that the House will not sanction any measures intended to lessen the supply, or enhance the price of the indispensable article of cotton wool, but rather adopt such as may

have a directly contrary tendency, thereby securing the pre-eminence it now holds in that most important branch of trade to the nation at large, and prosperity and tranquillity to those populous districts, the seat of the manufacture." Ordered to lie upon the table.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Thursday, May 27.

AMERICAN LICENCES.] Mr. Whitbread wished to ask the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer a question, on the subject of licences granted to American vessels bound to the port of Lisbon, which were to protect them from being molested, notwithstanding any hostilities that might take place between the two countries. On the faith of this protection many speculations had been entered into, yet he was informed that American vessels sailing under these licences had been taken or detained by our blockading squadron. He wished to know if the right hon. gentleman could tell him on what principle licences issued at a time when war was contemplated between the two countries, and which according to the wording of them, embraced all hostilities, were set aside, when one particular species of hostility, that of blockading the American ports, was resorted to ? To him this appeared a breach of the national faith, and he therefore wished to be informed on what principle such a measure had been adopted.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer wished the hon. gentleman to write to the Board of Trade on the subject, as he would then obtain a more satisfactory answer than it was in his power to give. The licences alluded to had, he believed, been granted before a blockade of the American ports was contemplated, but he did not know under what particular circumstances.

Mr. Whitbread repeated, the licences had been so worded that he should have thought they would have embraced every circumstance of war. They had never been revoked, and therefore he conceived any seizure or detention under them to be unjust. But seeing the Secretary to the Board of Trade in his place, he begged to ask him the question which he had just put to the Chancellor of the Exchequer? He accordingly repeated it.

Mr. Robinson had not heard of any such circumstance as the seizure of an American vessel sailing under licences, of the description alluded to by the hon. gen.