cotton wool being equal to 30l. per cent. upon the whole average labour of cotton spinning, and as much upon a large part of the manufactures of piece goods; and that the petitioners bave received the most authentic information that flourishing ma

pretexts:" whereas he had not said any such thing. He had only mentioned, that their salary was very low, and that they paid a considerable sum for their places, which obliged them to offer a book to persons going to court, for the purpose of obtaining such a present as might be agree-nufactures of cotton, possessed of every able to the party. He believed them to be a respectable body of men, and wished to have their salaries increased, in such a way, that they might not be under the necessity of any other remuneration for their trouble.

PETITION FROM THE MERCHANTS OF GLASGOW RESPECTING THE COTTON TRADE.] A Petition of several merchants, manufacturers, cotton spinners, and calico printers in the city of Glasgow, and in the vicinity thereof, was presented and read; setting forth,

natural advantage, have lately been esta. blished in many of the United States of America; and that, during the exclusion of British manufactures from the continent of Europe, the manufacturing of cotton goods in the Prussian, and other states, has made such progress as to render it no longer expedient to send to the markets of the North of Europe any but the finer fabrics; and that the petitioners cannot contemplate the measure of a prohibition otherwise than as calculated to stimulate and reward the exertions of the manufac turers of rival nations, and to depress still more the cotton trade of this country, which for years back has been in a state greatly depressed and declining; and that, independent of the impolicy, upon general principles, of adopting a measure which will necessarily enhance the price of a raw material, the petitioners, in the particular circumstances already stated, consider it peculiarly dangerous, by any restriction on importation, to prevent the British manufacturers from obtaining their supplies on equal terms with the continental manufacturers; and that not only the prosperity, but even the existence of the cotton manufacture of this country, for the supply of the European markets, depends in a great measure upon our being able to obtain a supply of all sorts of cotton upon an equal footing with their native manufacturers; and praying, that the House will enter into a minute investigation of this important subject, before they adopt any measures which can assist the efforts of foreign nations to supplant the cotton manufacture of this country, or which can in any way affect interests so delicate and important, and essential to the existence of a demand for British cotton goods in foreign markets."

"That the cotton manufacture is of the most essential importance to that district of the empire, as it affords a most extensive employment to industry and capital; and that a very large proportion of the cotton wool which is employed in the ma. nufacture is of the growth of the United States of America, and that quality denominated American Sea Island, is almost exclusively employed in the manufacture of the finer fabrics of the district; and that the petitioners have learnt, with great alarm, that petitions have been laid upon the table of the House, praying for a prohibition, and other regulations on the importation, of cotton wool the growth of the United States of America; and that the exclusion of American cotton wool from the British market in this manner, as it will increase the quantity in the American market, and will not prevent its having access to the continent, will have a necessary effect to diminish the price to the manufacturer in America, and to render it cheaper to the manufacturer upon the continent, while, by diminishing the quantity of the raw material in Britain, it will raise the price to the British manufacturer, and thus operate at once as a high premium to the manufacturers of rival nations, while in this kingdom it would have an opposite effect, equal to the FIRE ARMS' IMPROVING BILL ] highest duty; and that the operation of the order of the day for the second reading the Act of the 49th of the King, for re- of the Bill to insure the proper and carepealing the duties of customs chargeable ful manufacturing of Fire Arms, and prein Great Britain, and for granting other venting injuries which frequently arise duties in lieu thereof, has already been from the bursting thereof, by making proseverely felt by those engaged in the cot-vision for proving the barrels of such fire ton manufacture, the tax it imposes on

Ordered to lie upon the table.

arms,

On

antiquity of this market was unquestionable, it having existed, he believed, in the reign of Edward 3, and a charter was afterwards granted in the reign of James 1. At first, however, the whole scite on which the market is kept was not originally within the limits of the city. With respect to the rights of the corporation, he had more information from others than actual knowledge of his own. But the great objection he entertained to this measure was, that it did not go to remove the nuisances and inconveniences to which it was applied. The contracted situation of the place, the narrow avenues leading to it, and the crowded and confused scenes of a market day, rendered the existence of it in its present state a nuisance to individuals and the public at large. Holding the office of governor of the CharterHouse, it had been his fortune to proceed there on a market day, when he was in apprehension for his personal safety, and in imminent danger of the pannels of his carriage being broken by the horns of the bullocks. Certainly he did arrive safe, but such was the state of the market that it was not without considerable apprehension. Besides, as a governor of the Charter-House, it was his duty to consider the

SMITHFIELD MARKET BILL.] The Duke of Bedford said, he rose for the purpose of moving, that this Bill be read a second time. In doing so, he considered it his duty shortly to state those reasons, which, in his opinion, ought to induce their lordships to agree to the present motion. The immediate object of the measure was to relieve the public of the greatest part of the grievances and inconveniences of which they justly complained, and also to benefit the community in other respects, by altering and enlarging Smithfield market. Their lordships would recollect, that the charter by which this market was held, was of great antiquity, and that the corporation of London had great rights and interests in the same. But one of the greatest objects on which the legislature could turn its attention, was that provision, by which all towns, and more especially the metropolis, were enabled to supply the community with animal sustenance; consequently, markets like Smithfield were of the highest importance to the public welfare, and every measure which could tend to improve them, for the purpose of rendering them more adapted to public convenience, was a subject of weighty consideration. This particular market having existed in ancient times, and after-injury which would result to this antient wards being surrounded as the city extended itself, from the vast increase of population, and the number of cattle and sheep which were driven there on a market day, there was not room for their being exposed to sale, and much inconvenience had resulted to those who were more immediately concerned, as well as to persons in the vicinity. He held in his hand a paper containing the returns of cattle and sheep in that market for 23 years; and taking the first five years, of that period, and the last five years, the average annual increase of the former was 30,000, and of the latter 200,000. It was extraordinary to him, that any opposition could be made to the principle of the Bill; for whatever objections might exist as to its clauses, they could easily be removed in the committee. At the same time he did understand, the measure was to be opposed on the second reading; accordingly, he should now have an opportunity of knowing the grounds of such an opposition. The noble duke then moved, "That this Bill be now read a second time.”

Lord Ellenborough concurred with the noble duke in many of his observations as to the importance of this subject. The

and useful institution. Upon general grounds, he admitted, that private interest should never be brought into competition with a great public good. But here the grievances would not be remedied, for the provisions of the Bill would tend to perpetuate the existence of the evil. The Charter-House could only say, the present nuisance is great, and if the market is not removed, we must submit to it; but we will never consent to the extension of it. In this institution there were eighty old men, about forty boys on the foundation, and, with other persons, it contained about 200 souls. The extending of the market, intended by this measure, would on a market day prevent these persons enjoying any safe and convenient outlet, without proceeding circuitously to any of the principal parts of this large town. should be very ready to support any Bill which should have for its object to select a more appropriate situation for the market, and the remedying a nuisance felt by almost every individual in his progress, on a market day, to that part of the town; but as to the present Bill, he should, for the reasons he bad already stated, move that it be read this day three months.

He

infinitely superior to every other consideration, he should be unwilling to object to the right hon. gentleman's proposition.

committees, appointed to investigate these claims, were open, he thought the same principle should be pursued on this occasion. If, however, the right hon. gentleman was decidedly in favour of a select committee, he should not oppose it.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, the appointment of an open committee would be extremely inconvenient.

The Speaker thought it right to explain to the House, that technically speaking, every committee, except that of the whole House, was a select committee. If, there fore the motion for a select committee was

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, it was of very great importance, both with reference to the character of the House, and to that of the individual, that an ample enquiry should take place. It was the anxious desire of his Majesty's government to do every thing which was consistent with justice. And the hon. colonel himself must be aware that as the present was a new parliament, many persons were very imperfectly informed on the state of the transaction in which those claims ori-negatived, it was repelling the proposition ginated. He then moved, "That a Committee be appointed to consider of the Agreement made with Mr. Palmer for the reform and improvement of the Post Of fice and its revenue, and to report their observations thereupon to the House."

Mr. Peter Moore said, that every information which could be procured on this subject, had already been produced; it had, in fact, been adjudicated by the House. He recollected, when it was before entertained, he enquired of a right hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Long) whether he could point out any channel by which further information could be obtained; and he was strangely in error, if that right hon. gentleman did not answer in the negative.

for a committee altogether. The motion for the committee being once carried, it remained to be decided what number of members it should consist of.

Mr. Horner said, it was not his intention to divide the House on the question; but, if any other gentleman pressed the House to a division on the subject, he should vote against any committee whatever; because parliament were already in possession of every information on the subject.

On the

The motion was agreed to. names of the gentlemen who were to form the committee being put from the chair,

Mr. Peter Moore again rose. He observed, that the question had been decided over and over again. Two Bills had passed that House, and were in progress through the other, recognizing Mr. Palmer's right. It was most unjust to say, that no agreement had been entered into with Mr. Palmer. It was true there was no sign and seal; but there was, in his opinion, a better testimony to the fact. There had been a dividend of the assets of the Post office paid over to the claimant.

Mr. Long said, that when the question alluded to by the hon. gentleman was put to him, he had not so complete an acquaintance with the subject as he had since attained; and therefore he answered in the way which had been stated. But if he were now asked, whether he believed more information could be obtained, he should say, without hesitation, that he really thought there could. The hon. gentleman. Mr. Long never asserted that there was had observed, that the case was adjudi- no agreement. What he maintained was, cated by the House. Now, what was the that the agreement was not of such fact? In the time of Mr. Pitt a committee nature as Mr. Palmer and his friends decided against the claims of Mr. Palmer; contended it to be. They now gave to it since that period, however, another com- an interpretation which neither Mr. Pitt mittee had come to a different conclusion. nor Mr. Palmer himself, the parties to the Under such circumstances, was it fair to agreement, had originally contemplated. say, that the case was finally adjudicated? When they were called on to grant the Besides, he would put it to the House, money of the public, to the amount of whether at the commencement of a new 90,000l. and 10,000l. per annum, to an inparliament, a committee (comprising a dividual, he thought enquiry was absolutesufficient number of the hon. gentleman'sly necessary. This sum was alleged to friends) should not be appointed to enquire into the claims and report thereon to the House?

be due for the practical application of a certain discovery; but the official duties of Mr. Palmer were included in the agree ment; and then came the question, In Col. Palmer observed, that as the former what way had he fulfilled those duties ?

On the question being put,