without a legitimate ground of hostility; and in the whole of their foreign policy, and in all their engagements, had preserved the most scrupulous good faith, and acted in couformity to the interests of Europe and of this country. With respect to the first point to which the noble earl had called their lordships' attention-the engagements between Russia and Sweden, ed, could have no objection whatever to lay the treaty upon their lordships' table; but as that document had not been communicated to them upon authority, he did not feel himself justified in acceding to the desire of the noble earl upon that head: but, at the same time, he was perfectly ready to go as far as his sense of duty would permit, and, therefore, had no objection to lay upon the table the substance of that article to which the present treaty referred, which he presumed would whether any unjustifiable delay had taken | place in that respect? Upon these points their lordships must have information before they could come to the discussion with the proper degree of preparation. The first point was the most important; and he was particularly anxious, in regard to that, to have the fullest possible information. He likewise wished to know, what sum had been actually paid to the Swedish-ministers, as far as they were concerngovernment upon the ground of this treaty? He thought, too, that in order to have a complete view of the whole subject, they ought to have on the table our engagements with Russia and other foreign powers; for without this, it would be impossible to enter upon the consideration of the question in that ample manner which the nature and importance of the subject required. This was not to be considered upon the isolated ground of our relations with Sweden: before they could come to a just conclusion on that single point, look-answer the noble earl's purpose as coming at the matter in a large and statesmanlike view, they must take into consideration the whole of our foreign relations, and the general grounds of our foreign policy. To enable them to do that with effect, he now called upon the noble earl for the fullest information upon the several points to which he adverted; and more particularly upon the first point, which was unquestionably by far the most important. The Earl of Liverpool said, that the course which had been taken by the noble earl, in proposing his questions, and asking for information, would justify him in entering into the subject much more largely than would suffice for a mere answer; but still he would not anticipate the discussion. The day was not far distant, when his Majesty's servants would have an opportunity of explaining fully the grounds of the treaty with Sweden, and the views of policy by which they had been actuated in regard to the rest of our continental relations. But till the proper time arrived for giving that explanation, their lordships would, he was satisfied, suspend their judgment, and not condemn cither ministers, or the foreign powers with which this country was connected, until the whole subject was before them. He would at present content himself with positively affirming, in behalf of his Majesty's servants, that they had proceeded upon no such principle of policy as that to which the noble earl had adverted; they had never sanctioned any such principle; they had never engaged in war (VOL. XXVI.) pletely as if the whole had been produced. lated to the time at which the treaty was Earl Grey was not altogether satisfied with the extent of information which the noble earl opposite was willing to grant; but he hoped, that if the whole of the treaty of alliance between Russia and Sweden could not be produced, the very terms of the article by which Denmark was to be invited to join the northern alliance would be given. The reasons as. signed for refusing to produce the correspondence with the Danish minister did not appear to him satisfactory. Whether or not the second article in the treaty could be at all justified would materially depend on the conduct of Denmark; of which it would be impossible to judge accurately without this correspondence. The noble earl had stated, that he could not, consistently with a regard to his duty, produce this correspondence under the present circumstances. Now, he would make this proposition to the noble earl, either to give them some information on that subject, or to postpone the discussion of the treaty till the circumstances which prevented the production of the correspondence had ceased to exist; for he repeated, that without information on this point, it was altogether impossible for their lordships to come properly prepared to this discussion. With respect to the progress made by Sweden, in fulfilling the conditions of the treaty, he could not conceive what ministers might expect; but certainly Sweden had not taken such decisive steps as he, and he believed the public in general, would have expected from the terms of this treaty. He should have expected that Sweden would have been prepared at the opening of the campaign, to have actively co-operated in the war with 30,000 men. But unless he was labouring under a most extraordinary de lusion-unless all he had heard on this subject was incorrect-the French emperor had fought two battles-they were said not to be victories; but the consequence of these battles was, that the allies had retreated to a very considerable distance. In these operations the Swedish troops had taken no part. The Crown Prince had, indeed, at last landed, with but little more than 18,000 men, instead of 30,000; and was fortifying himself at Stralsund, from whence, with such a force, he could not advance without the most imminent risk of destruction. That a treaty with Russia was already before the House, he believed to be the case; but were there, he would ask, no additional engagements with that power, for the purposes of concert and subsidy? There was a manifest distinction between plans of the campaign, or other measures of active co-operation, which, of course ought not to be disclosed, and engagements for services in consideration of subsidies; and it was the latter alone which he wished to be communicated to the House. He would ever contend, that it was a most unconstitutional proceeding, though too common of late years, to enter into engagements by which the country would be burthened, before parliament was made acquainted with their nature and extent, and before it could decide field moved the second reading of the General Inclosure Bill. The Lord Chancellor objected to the Bill, that it tended to throw all the business of inclosures into the Court of Chancery, which had already more business to do than it could get through. whether the honour and the interests of the country were thereby compromised or maintained. Why, again, he would ask, was the ratification of the Swedish treaty so long delayed? It was signed on the 3d of March, and the ratification, a mere matter of form, arrived it seemed only on the 10th of May, though the two countries were so near each other. Why, again, its communication to the House was delayed from the 10th of May to the 11th of June, it was impossible to state any good reason. Upon the whole, therefore, if the noble lord persevered in refusing the information which was now asked, he should undoubtedly take the sense of the House upon the subject on Thursday next, before the discussion of the treaty came on. The Marquis of Douglas observed that a Prussian minister was now here, and thought that some communication should be made of the state of our relations with Prussia, which must also bear on the treaty with Sweden. The Earl of Liverpool was not aware of any treaty with Prussia, that had not been laid before the House. The Marquis of Douglas asked, was there no treaty of peace with Prussia? The Earl of Liverpool said, not having been at war with Prussia there was no necessity for a treaty of peace; a Prussian minister being here, it was possible that some negociations might be going on, but of course, if they were pending, it would be highly improper to make any communication respecting them. Earl Grey said, he wished distinctly to understand, whether there was any treaty of concert and subsidy, or of concert only with Russia or Prussia. The Earl of Liverpool replied, that there was no treaty of concert and subsidy with either Russia or Prussia. Lord Holland observed, that the connection of the treaty with the general operations upon the continent, although admitted by the noble earl (Liverpool), yet it appeared by the refusal to communicate information that this connection was only to be learnt from the noble earl's speech on Thursday. The Earl of Liverpool said, he had only intended to admit, that the treaty was to be considered with reference to the general state of Europe at the time of entering into it. Lord Ellenborough considered the Bill as a most arbitrary measure; it tended to make property dance the hays, and to alter every description of tenure, without any advantage to be gained by its operation. His lordship moved to postpone the second reading for three months. Lord Sheffield contended for the utility of the Bill, to inclose lands which could not afford the expence of an act of parliament: and that it was of importance to prevent the country from paying a large sum for foreign corn. He observed, that the defects might be remedied in the committee. Lord Redesdale objected, that the Bill could not be modified into any useful shape. The Lord Chancellor observed, that the Bill gave the owners of three-fifths of land sought to be inclosed, power to do what they pleased on application to the quarter sessions, without hearing the other parties, and if the other parties were heard, the expence would be much greater than that of an act of parliament. After some further conversation the second reading of the Bill was postponed for three months. The Bill was consequently lost. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Monday, June 14. PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.] Lord Ran cliffe stated, that in consequence of some of his friends having suggested to him, that it would be inconvenient to the House, if he brought forward the motion on the subject of Parliamentary Reform, of which he had given notice, and which stood for Friday, he was inclined to postpone it for that session. But he said that if no more able person should agitate the question, he should feel it his duty to submit to the House a motion on the subject early in the next session. PETITION OF THE Cotton SPINNERS, &c. OF BLACKBURN.] A Petition of several merchants, cotton manufacturers, and spinners, residing in the town and neighGENERAL INCLOSURE BILL.] Lord Shef bourhood of Blackburn, in the county palatine of Lancaster, was presented and read; setting forth, Our "That the petitioners have learnt that petitions have been presented to the House for the prohibition of cotton grown in the United States of America, upon the plea that such prohibition would severely oppress America, whilst it would encourage the cultivation of cotton in own dependencies and in countries where our manufactures are received; and that the petitioners would disdain any opposition to measures calculated to distress a state with which we are at war, on the ground that such measures may occasion a temporary pressure on themselves, but they are convinced that the prohibition of American cotton during the war would be slightly felt by the enemy, and that it would inflict a lasting injury on the cotton manufacture of this kingdom; and that it is considered politic to render this country a depot for every possible production, and, in pursuance of this system, to permit cotton to be bonded for exportation without the payment of any duty; and that the benefit to the country from the exportation of the raw material would be increased in proportion to the amount received for the labour bestowed upon it, and consequently that it is wise to encourage the exportation of any manufactured article without duty, or with a drawback equal to the duty, when any has been paid; and that a duty is now levied on the importation of cotton manufactured in this country, of two pence per pound in British, and of three pence per pound in foreign ships, without drawback or bounty on its exportation; and that a large exportation of our cotton ma. nufactures is necessary to the employment of the hands who rely on this manu facture for their support; and that, during its greatest prosperity, the chief vent was found upon the continent of Europe; and that several cotton mills have been there established; and that to enhance by any means the price of the raw material here, is to grant a bounty to our rivals; that this bounty is the greatest upon the coarsest articles, which are the most easily produced, offering the strongest induce ment to cope with us where the task is the least difficult; and that, by this means, one branch of the trade is already lost to us; and that the petitioners will not complain of any measures adopted to prevent cotton from being sent out of the United States of America, but they consider it essential to the security of trade that they may be free to obtain every description of cotton upon as favourable terms as our rivals upon the continent; and that the prohibition of American cotton here cannot be at all felt in America until the continental markets are overstocked, and in that case our rivals will have the advantage of working the raw material at a price below par, whilst the price here will be supported by the deficiency of the supply; and that if, as has been proposed, this prohibition should be suffered to extend beyond the period of war with America, we should not only lose the whole of the continental markets, but there would be a great probability of our losing other markets, from our inability to meet our rivals on equal terms; and that the injury thus done to our manufacture would recoil upon our West India and shipping interests, which are necessarily connected with the prosperity of those manufactures; and praying, that the House will minutely examine this subject before adopting any measures which will sacrifice, to the temporary interests of a few, a trade im portant from the amount of fixed capital invested, and from the numbers who rely upon it for support." Ordered to lie upon the table. On the INSOLVENT DEBTORS' BILL.] question for going into a Committee, Sir S. Romilly said he would state very shortly the objects of the Bill. It was to release those debtors who had been confined for a certain time, on their giving up all the property they possessed, and was intended to prevent the necessity of frequent periodical Insolvent Acts. It proceeded on a principle different to any contained in any former Bill. It put an end to the principle of the existing laws, by which a debtor might be confined for life; a punishment more severe than any inflicted by the criminal code; for he knew of no crime that was punished by imprisonment for life. The Bill, therefore, should not be viewed with reference to the law as it stood; it was certainly not so perfect as he could wish, but if it were materially altered, it would not perhaps meet with the concurrence of the other House. It was not to be expected to reach perfection at once; hereafter the measure might be rendered more perfect. He advised gentlemen to pass it with some Imperfections, rather than risk its loss by any material alteration, After a few words from Mr. Alderman Combe, and Mr. Kenrick, the House went into a Committee on the Bill. Sir S. Romilly proposed an amendment, to limit the time of imprisonment to three months instead of six. His object was to prevent persons contracting those bad ha bits, which were usually learnt in a prison, and to prevent persons confined for debt, from being so long lost to the duties of society. may be made for the public upon such terms and for such consideration as to the House shall seem meet." Mr. Whitbread said, it was unnecessary to say much respecting the merits of Mr. Hargrave. His profound learning and extensive information were well known to most of the members of that House; and no one, he was convinced, would be more ready than his hon. and learned friend (sir S. Romilly), to bear testimony to the great value of Mr. Hargrave's writings. [Hear, hear, from sir S. Romilly, and others.] By those writings, and by the publication of several valuable manuscripts, Mr. Hargrave had rendered great service to the public in the advancement of legal and constitutional knowledge. He was now unhappily prevented by illness from attending to his professional pursuits, and it became necessary as a provision for his family to dispose of his library, consisting of a large and valuable Sir S. Romilly took that opportunity of library of books and manuscripts, collected asking ministers what would be the fate by him with very great skill and judg of a Bill for the relief of the insolvent ment during the course of a long profesdebtors in the Isle of Man. He under-sional life. The acquisition of such a listood such a Bill had passed the Manx legislature. Mr. Kenrick said that when the Bill was first introduced into the House of Lords, the term of imprisonment was much longer; but had been reduced to six months at the suggestion of some noble lords. If the term were limited, creditors would not have sufficient time to oppose the liberation of debtors, who might not be entitled to the benefit of the Act. The House divided: For the Amendment 22; Against it 42; Majority in favour of the original clause 20. brary would undoubtedly be of great advantage to the public, and it would be proper that some reward should be con Lord Castlereagh said he was uninformed on the subject; but would make the ne-ferred by the legislature upon Mr. Harcessary enquiries. After some further conversation, the House resumed, and the Report was ordered to be received on Wednesday. grave. Mr. Whitbread trusted, therefore, that the object of the Petition would meet with the unanimous concurrence of the House. [Hear, hear!] The Chancellor of the Exchequer rose to second the motion. He fully concurred in what had been said by the hon. gentleman, and acquainted the House, that his royal highness the Prince Regent, having been informed of the contents of the said Petition, recommended it to the consideration of the House. Ordered to lie on the table. MR. HARGRAVE'S BOOKS AND MANUSCRIPTS.] Mr. Whitbread presented a Petition from Diana, wife of Francis Hargrave, esq. one of his Majesty's counsel in the law, recorder of Liverpool, and treasurer of the honourable society of Lincoln's Inn, setting forth, "That the said Francis Hargrave is possessed of divers books and manuscripts, collected with great labour and at a considerable ex- TREATY WITH SWEDEN.] Mr. Ponsonby pence during the course of a long pro- said, he had mentioned a few evenings fessional life, which books and manu-since, that if the noble lord (Castlereagh) scripts would form a valuable addition to the national collection, having been selected with the greatest skill and judgment; and that, owing to the afflicting illness of the said Francis Hargrave, he is no longer able to follow his professional pursuits, whereby his family is in danger of being exposed to great difficulties; and praying the House, that the circumstances of the case may be taken into its kind and liberal consideration, and that the acquisition of the said books and manuscripts did not think fit to lay before the House the Russian Treaty, as connected with that recently entered into with Sweden, he should feel it his duty to make a motion, for the purpose of procuring its production; because it was impossible for that House correctly to understand the Treaty with Sweden, unless the Convention between that country and Russia were laid before them. It was his intention also to move for certain documents connected with the subject; the nature of these he would state |