In the course of the adjourned debate on the 17th, the previouslyexasperated feelings existing between Mr. Corry and Mr. Grattan were brought to a hostile issue. "On the appointed day, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Corry, retraced his old ground of argument, which he interspersed with much personal acrimony and abuse, directed particularly to Mr. Grattan, who vindicated himself in strong language, and retorted upon his opponent the insinuations of unconstitutional and treasonable conduct. Mr. Corry replied with redoubled severity, and Mr. Grattan rejoined with such increased power of censure, as threw the onus of resentment completely on the chancellor. The house saw the inevitable consequences, and the Speaker (the house was in committee) sent for Mr. Grattan into his chamber, and pressed his interposition for an amicable adjustment, which Mr. Grattan positively refused, saying, that he saw and had been some time aware of a set made to pistol him off on that question, therefore it was as well the experiment were tried then as at any other time. Both parties had instantly left the house upon Mr. Grattan's finishing philippic. Matters having been speedily adjusted by the seconds, they proceeded in hackney-coaches to a field on the Balls-bridge-road, which they reached at twilight. It was agreed they should level and fire at their own option. The first shot on both sides did no mischief-Mr. Grattan's passed through Mr. Corry's coat. On the second level, there was much science and pistol play; Mr. Gratton's ball hit his antagonist on the knuckle of his left hand, which he had extended across his breast to protect his right side, and, taking a direction along his waist, did no other injury. The populace, notwithstanding the quickness and secrecy with which the business was conducted, followed the parties to the ground, and there was reason to fear, had Mr. Grattan fallen, that his antagonist would have been sacrificed on the spot to the resentment of the mob, so enthusiastically were they devoted to their favourite. The issue of this affair reached the House of Commons whilst they were still in debate, at half-past eight in the morning."*

The resolutions of the British parliament were, in the meanwhile, remitted to Ireland; and, being approved by the Irish parliament, after a few slight alterations, were ratified by the parliaments of both kingdoms, and passed into a law, by the royal assent, on the 2nd of July. The opposition to the union in Ireland had by this time become faint some of its adversaries, by mature deliberation, had brought their minds to a conviction of the utility of the measure; while others, in whose minds nothing could counterbalance the loss of independence, perceiving the inefficacy of remonstrance and complaint, began to fix their attention on other objects.

The closing debates upon the union are now simply to be detailedthe battle was won, and further opposition hopeless. Incidents had occasionally chequered the colour of the debate-by turns violent, ludicrous, and melo-dramatic. One of those singular incidents which, though trivial, occasionally produce a great sensation, occurred in the

* Plowden.

progress of the bill, on a debate respecting local representation. "From the importance of the subject, and the strong feelings of every party, the slightest incident, the most immaterial word, or trivial action, was construed into an indication of something momentous. Mr. Charles Ball, the new member for Clogher, was a most ardent, impetuous, and even furious opponent of a union, on any terms or under any circumstances. He was a very large, eager, boisterous, and determined man; he uttered whatever he thought, and there was no restraining his sentiments. In the midst of a crowded coffee-room he declared his astonishment, that whilst hundreds of wretched men every day sacrificed their lives in resisting those who openly attacked their liberty, there were none who did not at once rid their country of the monsters who were betraying it. It could easily be done, he said, by a few hand-grenades, thrown from the gallery when your ministerial gentlemen are locked up for a division.

"The extravagance of the idea excited general merriment; but there were some who actually conceived the practicability of the scheme. Mr. Ball, with affected gravity, added, that he had heard such a plan was intended; and this only increased the previous merriment. The house presently commenced its sitting, and Mr. Secretary Cooke had taken the chair of the committee, when suddenly a voice like thunder burst from the gallery, which was crowded to excess: 'Now,' roared the Stentor, now let the bloodiest assassin take the chair!-Let the bloodiest assassin take the chair!'

"Any attempt at description of the scene would be unavailing-the shells and hand-grenades of Mr. Ball presented themselves to every man's imagination. All was terror and confusion: many pressed towards the doors, but the door-keepers had filed, and turned the keys to prevent the escape of the culprit. A few hats fell by accident from the galleries, which were in a state of tumult. These appeared like bomb-shells to the terrified members: pocket-pistols and swords were upon the point of being produced; every man seemed to expect the bloody assassins to rush in hundreds from the galleries. No explosion, however, took place-no assassins descended; and a scuffle in the gallery was succeeded by an exclamation, "We have secured him! We have secured him!" which restored some confidence to the senators. The serjeant-at-arms now ascended, sword in hand, and was followed by many of the members, whose courage had been quiescent till there was a certainty of no danger. Mr. Denis Brown, as a forlorn hope, was the first to mount the gallery. After a valiant resistance, an herculean gentleman was forced down into the body of the house, by a hundred hands. As soon as he was effectually secured, all the members were most courageous; some pommelled, some kicked him, and at length he was thrown flat upon the floor, and firmly pinioned. The whole power of parliament, however, could not protect them from his eloquence; and most powerfully did he use his tongue. The gigantic appearance of the man struck every body with awe, and none but the lawyers had the least conception that he was a Mr. Sinclair, one of the most quiet and well-behaved barristers of the profession. He

was a respectable, independent, and idle member of the Irish Bar, but an enthusiast against a union. He had dined with a party of the same opinions at the house of a friend, who was undoubtedly a madman, but whose excellent wine and wild conversation had elevated Mr. Sinclair so very far above all dread, that he declared he would himself, that night, in spite of all the traitors, make a speech in the house, and give them his full opinion of the only measure that should be taken against them. He accordingly repaired to the gallery, and, on seeing the secretary take the chair, could no longer contain himself, but attempted to leap down among the members. Being restrained by some friends who were with him, he determined, however, to make his speech, and commenced with the most appalling expression of what he conceived should be the fate of the unionists. He was committed to Newgate by the house, and remained there till the session ended."*

Before the third reading of the bill, the anti-unionists quitted the house—and the last scene is given by Barrington, with scenic fidelity. Mr. Foster was a determined opponent to the Union—and as he had officially to pronounce the "delenda" of that parliament to which he was enthusiastically attached, and over which he had presided, adored by his own party, and respected by men of all politics, it may be imagined that the trial would be severe.

"The situation of the Speaker, on that night, was of the most distressing nature; a sincere and ardent enemy of the measure, he headed its opponents; he resisted it with all the power of his mind, the resources of his experience, his influence, and his eloquence.

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"It was, however, through his voice that it was to be proclaimed and consummated. His only alternative, resignation, would have been unavailing, and could have added nothing to his character. His expressive countenance bespoke the inquietude of his feelings; solicitude was perceptible in every glance, and his embarrassment was obvious in every word he uttered.

"The galleries were full, but the change was lamentable; they were no longer crowded with those who had been accustomed to witness the eloquence and to animate the debates of that devoted assembly. A monotonous and melancholy murmur ran through the benches-scarcely a word was exchanged amongst the members-nobody seemed at ease— no cheerfulness was apparent and the ordinary business, for a short time, proceeded in the usual manner.

"At length the expected moment arrived-the order of the day for the third reading of the bill, for a "Legislative Union between Great Britain and Ireland," was moved by Lord Castlereagh-unvaried, tame, cold-blooded, the words seemed frozen as they issued from his lips; and, as if a simple citizen of the world, he seemed to have no sensation on the subject.

"At that moment he had no country-no god but his ambition; he made his motion, and resumed his seat, with the utmost composure and indifference.

*Secret Memoirs of the Union.

"Confused murmurs again ran through the house-it was visibly affected; every character, in a moment, seemed involuntarily rushing to its index, some pale, some flushed, some agitated; there were few countenances to which the heart did not despatch some messenger. Several members withdrew before the question could be repeated, and an awful, momentary silence succeeded their departure. The Speaker rose slowly from that chair which had been the proud source of his honours and of his high character: for a moment he resumed his seat, but the strength of his mind sustained him in his duty, though his struggle was apparent. With that dignity which never failed to signalize his official actions, he held up the bill for a moment in silencehe looked steadily around him on the last agony of the expiring parliament. He at length repeated, in an emphatic tone, As many as are of opinion that THIS BILL do pass, say aye.' The affirmative was languid but indisputable-another momentary pause ensued-again his lips seemed to decline their office at length, with an eye averted from the object which he hated, he proclaimed, with a subdued voice, 'the AYES have it.' The fatal sentence was now pronounced-for an instant he stood statue-like, then indignantly flung the bill upon the table, and sunk into his chair."

CHAPTER XXXVI.

SUMMARY OF THE OPINIONS IN FAVOUR OF, OR OPPOSITION TO, THE UNION.

WE have, in recording the long and doubtful attempt to effect a legislative union, confined ourselves generally to an historic outline. To record the sentiments delivered in College-green and St. Stephen's, by those who were equally ardent in support and opposition, would be a tedious repetition of similar arguments, urged in favour or disapprobation of the measure during its different stages through either house. The selection of a few speeches, much abridged, will enable the reader to estimate the grounds on which the respective members, Peers and Commons, received or rejected the proposed union of the kingdoms, and place the gist of public sentiment before him, as it was delivered on the Commons' floor, or issued from the press. *

"A

* Before the end of December, 1798, no fewer than thirty pamphlets were published in Ireland upon this momentous question, viz., "Arguments for and against an Union between Great Britain and Ireland considered." "Thoughts on an Union, by Joshua Spencer, Esq.' "No Union; being an Appeal to Irishmen, by Mathew Weld, Esq.' "A Letter to Joshua Spencer, Esq., occasioned by his 'Thoughts on an Union,' by a Barrister." "An Union neither necessary nor expedient for Ireland; being an Answer to the author of 'Arguments, &c.' by Charles Ball, Esq." "An Answer to Arguments, &c. &c.,' in a Letter to Edward Cook, Esq., Secretary at War, by Pemberton Rudd, Esq." "Second Letter, by Pemberton Rudd, Esq." "An Address to the People of Ireland against an Union, by a friend to Ireland." "The Probability, Causes, and Consequences of an Union, by Dennis Taffe." "Reasons against an Union, by an Irishman.' "Observations on 'Arguments for and against an Union.'" "Strictures on 'Arguments for and against an Union.' "First Letter to a Noble Lord, on the subject of the Union, by Giles S. Smith, Esq." "Cease your Funning, or the Rebel detected." Letter addressed to the Gentlemen of England and Ireland, on the Expediency of a Foederal Union between the two Kingdoms, by Sir John Jervis White Jervis, Bart.' "A Reply to Arguments for and against an Union,' by Richard Jebb, Esq." "A Report of the Debate of the Irish Bar, on Sunday, the 9th of November, on the Subject of an Union of the Legislatures of Great Britain and Ireland, with the Speeches of Messrs. Saurin, Spencer, St. George Daly, Jameson, P. Burrows Barnes, T. Grandy, John Beresford Loyd, Driscoll, Goold, W. Bellew, Orr, Stokes, Geraghty, M'Clelland, Leader, Plunket, Lynch, F. Dobbs, and Webber." "Some Observations on the projected Union between Great Britain and Ireland, "and the inexpediency of agitating the measure at this time, by J. H. C, Esq., Barrister at Law." "A Memoire on some Questions respecting the projected Union of Great Britain and Ireland, by Theobald M‘Kenna, Barrister at Law." "A Letter to his Excellency Marquis Cornwallis, on the proposed Union; in which his Excellency's political situation is candidly discussed, by an Irishman.' "An Address to the Roman Catholics of Ireland, upon the Subject of an Union, by an Old Friend.” “A Letter to Theo. M'Kenna, Esq., on the subject of his Memoire, by John Hamilton, Esq." "Reply to Theo. M'Kenna, Esq., by Molyneux." "Vaticination,