enjoying the confidence of the Catholic bishops, priests, and people of Ireland.

Irish bishops then will be satisfied with an arrangement, which gives Catholics an exclusively Catholic education in a mixed university. It may be asked with some momentary surprise, how this consists with the line recently taken up by the Holy See and the English bishops, against the establishment of a Catholic college at Oxford or Cambridge. "The bishops are unanimous," such was the declaration, "in their disapproval of the establishing of a Catholic college at any of the Protestant universities; and in forming" their judgment "they were guided by those principles which the Church has ever maintained in the matter of education." A very little consideration however will show, how toto cœlo different is the proposal accepted by the Irish bishops, from that which the English bishops so energetically condemned.

In the first place, Oxford and Cambridge are not mixed universities, but exclusively non-Catholic. It would follow therefore, from the proposed Oxford arrangement, that a Catholic's whole course of study (which must, of course, be adapted to the examination he will undergo) should be prescribed to him by those who are relentless and (commonly) violent enemies to his religion. Such a state of things would be calamitous beyond expression. Far better that Catholics should receive no higher education at all, than that they should receive one every detail of which is practically determined by the Church's enemies. On the other hand, if the Irish bishops' demand is granted, "the examinations" will be "free from every influence hostile to the religious sentiments of Catholics." It would thus follow that the Irish Catholic bishops could exercise a decisive veto, against any such course of examination, as they might judge likely to exercise an injurious influence on the purity of Catholic doctrine. Such a scheme, doubtless, is much less satisfactory than that of an Irish Catholic University; still it is one which would confer signal benefits on Irish Catholic education. But nothing in the least like this could be expected at Oxford

There is a contrast however of more fundamental importance even than this, between the plan suggested by the Irish bishops and that of a Catholic college at Oxford or Cambridge. The former plan would in no way lead to any sullying of the Catholic collegiate atmosphere, nor to any intimate association between Catholic and non-Catholic students. If the present Catholic University were affiliated to-morrow to a mixed Irish university, there would be no more intimacy between its students and those of Trinity College than exists at this moment: in other words, there would be none whatever. But the member of a Catholic college at Oxford would be on terms of the freest and most unreserved social intercourse

with members of other colleges. We laid especial stress on the terrible magnitude of this evil, when we originally argued against the scheme (October, 1864). We admitted fully that, as regards the keenest and most earnest intellects, "the higher intellectual education finds an invaluable instrument in the free intercourse of mind with mind, in the healthy collision of opinion and taste, in the combined efforts towards investigating truth put forth by those youthful spirits who are eager for its attainment. But we hold this," we added, "under one all-important qualification—viz., that those questions alone shall be regarded as open which are really so; and that all which is supremely and divinely certain be accepted by the whole community with profound submission. It is for this very reason that we regard a Catholic University or higher College as so eminently desirable; in order that Catholic youths may be brought together at the period when truth is most eagerly sought, and when mutual influence is most powerful and most healthy. Thus the practical impression of those great verities which are held by all is constatly strengthened in each; and the general application of those verities is day by day more thoroughly mastered and understood. In necessariis unitas, in dubiis libertas, in omnibus caritas': such is the genuine University motto. It is true, no doubt, and greatly to be regretted, that English Catholics are few, and that the University circle would be far narrower than could be wished. We cannot doubt, however, that discerning Catholic teachers will spontaneously adopt the best remedy for this defect, by making it an important part of their business to cultivate personal and friendly relations with those under their care, and encourage them to the freest communication of opinion and feeling."

On the other hand, how can a keen and inquiring youth be really imbued with the Catholic spirit, unless he breathe an exclusively Catholic atmosphere? Such a person is in general far more powerfully influenced by companions of his own age, possessing intellectual endowments similar to his own, than by those older and more mature. He finds in the former a freshness of mind, a readiness of sympathy, a corresponding susceptibility of impression, an unreservedness, a frankness in comparing notes and admitting difficulties, nay, a congeniality arising from the very fact that they are of the same age with himself, which are most attractive to an ardent inquirer after truth, and which are found to a much less extent in the society of older men. could not then well be a greater calamity, than that he should be brought into habits of familiar intimacy with youths of commanding power, whose keenest interest lies in a discussion of those very problems, religious and social, which Catholicity purports to solve, and who are unanimous in holding as a first principle that its

There

method of solution is narrow and foolish.* Indeed, it is the strong bias of our own judgment, that in various highly important respects far less injury would be done by individual Catholics resorting to non-Catholic colleges, than would result from a Catholic college at Oxford or Cambridge: if indeed we may, without offence, make the imaginable, though impossible, supposition, that the English bishops could sanction either one scheme or the other. We can quite fancy an amiable but common-place Catholic youth going up to Oxford and passing creditably enough through his appointed course of studies—indulging abundantly in the society and innocent amusements of the place and returning home not so very greatly the worse. Negatively indeed he is a great sufferer, from not having been imbued, as he might have been, with Catholic truth; and the fine edge of his Catholic sensitiveness will certainly have been altogether worn down: but, on the other hand, he may have received no ineffaceable impressions, which will seriously impair his future docility to the Church and the Holy See. Such a youth, it may be said, has breathed not so much an anti-Catholic as a nonCatholic and neutral atmosphere. It is not such as he—we have urged this again and again before now-but rather those preeminent for active intellect, who are so profoundly injured by early familiarity with non-Catholics. But let us suppose there were a Catholic College at Oxford. It would then be a matter of course that every member of it, however ordinary and common-place in mind and character, should follow the lead of its abler students; should accept their line of opinion as authoritative; should carry with him from college a strong conviction, that they and no others are the legitimate directors of Catholic thought. But these abler students would most assuredly have received a deadly infection from the pestilential atmosphere they have breathed. And thus the College would become a permanent and traditional home of unsound and disloyal Catholicism; an ever-flowing source, for diffusing among Catholics the poison of a worldly, indifferentist, indocile spirit.

One further remark, before quitting this part of our subject. The "Month" has for some time past been urging on the attention of Catholics the intolerable evil of their present connection

* A truly admirable series of articles from the pen of Professor Quinlan has appeared in the "Tablet" on Trinity College, Dublin. We hope to notice them in detail, when we write particularly on the Irish University question; but we may as well quote here a passage which appeared on Oct. 23. "Some few" educated at Trinity College "fell away altogether: but in how many more was the religious sense utterly blunted and deadened? Every one mixing in the better class of Irish Catholic society is familiar with this latter sad psychological phase. We are constantly pained at seeing educated Catholics quite lukewarm about their religion, and showing by their conversation and writings an utter absence of all sound Catholic feeling."

with London University and we heartily concur with our contemporary's judgment. Oxford and Cambridge examinations however present (in our view) even graver perils to the Catholic, than any to be dreaded from London: while yet on the other hand there is a certain number of Catholics, for whose temporal interest it is of great importance that they shall obtain a degree recognized by the State. If such a university be instituted in Ireland as the Irish bishops suggest, its examinations would be the natural resort of Englishmen thus circumstanced.

And now one final inquiry will be made. Why, instead of "exclusively Catholic," do we speak in our title of " denominational" education? For this simple reason, that Catholics of these kingdoms put forth politically no claim whatever in their own behalf, which they do not equally put forth in behalf of every Christian denomination. We shall presently maintain that even justice requires such a course at their hands; but it is most evident, on the surface, that any farther claim would be inexpedient in a degree which cannot be possibly exaggerated. Catholics constitute in these kingdoms an unpopular minority; and to agitate for any special favour, would be but to load their cause with obloquy, and to secure overwhelming defeat.

Then again it is immeasurably better, for the country's religious welfare, that the children of Anglicans shall be trained in Anglicanism, of Wesleyans in Wesleyanism, of Unitarians in Unitarianism, than that all children should be trained alike in that miserable negation of religion, which is sometimes called an undogmatic creed. But the interests of religion, it need not be said, are at once the interests of God and the interests of the Church; and these must of course be the predominant aim of all truly Catholic politicians.

But in truth we are thoroughly prepared to argue, though this is not the place for doing so, that in a country circumstanced like this, the only course which its Government can pursue, without violating the strict claims of justice, is the securing equal liberty of education to all Christian denominations. We must here be content with confidently stating this proposition: for it would require a separate article to draw out its proofs in detail, and to vindicate it from all suspicion of disloyalty to such Pontifical instructions, as the "Mirari vos" and the Syllabus.

We have now exhibited, though in the most shadowy skeleton outline, what seems to us the true lie of the education question in these islands. And we have done this according to two cross divisions accordingly as the question concerns (1) England or Ireland respectively; and accordingly as it concerns (2) popular or higher education. In future numbers we shall have to treat these

four separate elements at much greater length and in much greater detail, as circumstances of the moment may require: but we think we shall be able to do this with far better effect, by having thus prefixed (so to speak) a general conspectus of the whole issue.

Such then are the principles which, as it seems to us, should animate every Catholic politician in his whole conduct on the matter. All other political questions of the day shrink into absolute insignificance when compared with this. The whole religiousnay, the whole political-future of these islands in all probability hangs on the issue. And all Catholics, who are able to exercise political influence, must unite themselves politically heart and soul with that large band of zealous Protestants, who will contend to the death for the vital principle of purely denominational education.

When we wrote the above remarks, we were under an impression that in all probability the Irish land question would so occupy the attention of Parliament this year as to leave no room for a large educational measure. But since they went to press, it has come to be almost certain that some comprehensive plan of popular education will be brought forward by Government; and this being so, we feel the extreme importance of doing whatever we can towards placing the facts of the case in their true light. They are detailed and discussed at large, indeed, in the massy volumes of "Reports." These, however, few will be able and willing to study. We there fore specially recommend all to procure and read carefully the short and unanswerable pamphlet which we have placed, with them, at the head of this article, and of which we have elsewhere given a summary, which makes it needless to enter here into the details. And, in addition to this, as the United States are the country in which mixed education is generally supposed to answer best, we would specially recommend a very important pamphlet by Mr. Cromwell, which costs only sixpence, and which will abundantly dispel that delusion, showing that the "common schools" are felt by a large class in America to be most dangerous both to religion and morals. We can hardly exaggerate our sense of its value in the present state of the controversy.

We now propose to call attention chiefly to the recommendations of the Commissioners rather than to the important facts on which they are founded. First, however, we must notice the statement of Sir J. K. Shuttleworth, who boasts that the body of commissioners and assistant-commissioners by whom this vast mass of valuable information has been collected and digested, and who have given their deliberate judgment upon its results, are "men representing every phase of political and religious opinion." We have no doubt it was intended that they should be so. He would probably con