purpose, it will be sufficient to observe that, while the greater number of the letters are now found in Scotch, French, Latin, or English versions, all of nearly contemporary origin, there is internal evidence that, so far as regards the extant letters purporting to be written from Glasgow and from Stirling, (five in number,) the Scotch is unquestionably the original and the other versions are translations therefore; while of the three letters without assignable date or place, the extant French bears equally decisive evidences of being the original of the translations in the other languages.

It is time, however, to bring the documents themselves in detail before the reader. We have already stated in a general way that the casket was alleged to have contained two contracts of marriage between the Queen and Bothwell and eight letters, together with a collection of love-sonnets addressed by Mary to Bothwell.

Of the contracts we shall speak hereafter. The case turns chiefly upon the letters and sonnets.

The letters, which already exist in several collections, and have been edited with special care by M. Teulet in the collection intended as a supplement of that of Prince Labanoff, are printed at length by Mr. Hosack at their respective places in the narrative. He has given them in a form which, although not perhaps the most critically correct, is best adapted to the uses of a popular inquiry. The five letters of Scotch original are given according to the contemporary English version; the most important of them all, namely, the long Glasgow letter, being printed from the copy marked in Cecil's own hand and still preserved in the Public Record Office; and to the text of the three French letters, which he very properly prints in his text, he has appended the version which is found in the English edition of Buchanan's "Detection." As it is impossible, within our limits, to print the documents entire, we shall refer to Mr. Hosack's volume the reader who may desire to consult them in their integrity. We must content ourselves with a brief summary of each of the letters, accompanied by one or two of the shorter letters and such extracts of the most important passages of the longer as our space will permit. The reader, with this summary account before him, will, we trust, be able to estimate satisfactorily how far the weight of evidence, internal and external, is on the side of the authenticity of the documents or the contrary.

One of the many embarrassments, as we shall see in the case of the defenders of the genuineness of the letters, is the difficulty of determining the order in which they were written, and especially as regards the two reputed Glasgow letters, of

explaining how both letters could possibly have been written by the same person on one and the same occasion.. The order of these two letters is arranged differently by different editors. They are of very unequal length, one consisting of but a few paragraphs, the other filling nine closely printed octavo pages. The shorter letter is the only one of the entire series which bears a distinct date, being professedly written "From Glasgow, this Saturday [January 25th] in the morning." Many editors regard the longer letter, which has no date, as first in order; but it is certain that the shorter letter was presented first by Murray to the Commissioners at York, and it is printed as the first by Buchanan, the earliest authority by whom the letters were made public. Mr. Hosack has adopted this order, which accordingly we shall follow, and as the letter is short, we shall print it entire.

It appears that with your absence there is also joyned forgetfulness, seeing that at your departing you promised to make me advertisement of your news from time to time. The waiting upon them yesterday caused me to be almost in such joy as I will be at your returning, which you have delayed longer than your promise was. As to me, howbeit I have no further news from you, according to my commissions I bring the man with me to Craigmillar upon Monday, where he will be all Wednesday; and I will go to Edinburgh, to draw blood of me, if in the mean time I get no news to the contrary from you. He is more gay than ever you saw him; he puts me in remembrance of all things that may make me believe he loves me. Perhaps you will say that he makes love to me, of the which I take so great pleasure that I enter never where he is but incontinent I take the sickness of my sore side, I am so troubled with it. If Paris brings me that which I send him for, I trust it shall amend me. I pray you advertize me of your news at length, and what I shall do, in case you be not returned when I am come there; for in case you work not wisely, I see that the whole burden of this will fall upon my shoulders. Provide for all things, and discourse upon it first with yourself. I send this by Betoun, who goes to one day of law of the Lord of Balfours. I will say no further, saving I pray you to send me good news of your voyage.— From Glasgow this Saturday in the morning.

We defer, until we shall have completed our general account of the whole series, all detailed examination of this letter. We shall only observe that the person named as the bearer is Archibold Betown, a servant of the Queen, who was attached to her person for a long time afterwards, and was actually in her service at York and London when the letter was brought forward.

The letter which Mr. Hosack places second in order is much longer, and is full of minute particulars. It bears no

date whatever, but it plainly belongs to the same visit of the Queen to Glasgow, and it is easy, from internal indications, to fix certain points as to the time at which it must have been written.

It is scarcely necessary to say that the direct effect of this, as well as of the second Glasgow letter, and of those written from Stirling, supposing their genuineness, is to establish beyond all question the previous existence of criminal relations between Mary and Bothwell, of a deliberate conspiracy on her part with Bothwell for procuring the death of Darnley, and of her guilty consent and pre-concert with the same Bothwell in her own seemingly forcible seizure and abduction, for the purpose of covering the disgraceful precipitation of their marriage within three months of her husband's murder. The second letter clearly divides itself into two parts, written at different times, and, it is impossible to doubt, on two different days. And of these the first part will be found to bear internal evidence of having been written before the letter already quoted and dated "from Glasgow this Saturday in the morning."

The first part regards her journey. The letter commences with one of the ordinary topics of a love-letter-a recital of the depression of spirits and deep melancholy which followed her departure from Callander, where, in parting with her lover, she had left her heart behind. Until dinner-time on that day she had spoken to no one, nor had any one ventured to obtrude upon her gloom. On her approaching Glasgow, Crawford, a messenger from Darnley's father, the Earl of Lennox, met her, on the part of the earl, to excuse his lord for not coming in person to meet her, alleging that he was afraid on account of the harsh words regarding him-referring no doubt to his share in Rizzio's murder-which she had spoken to Cunningham, another of the gentlemen of the earl's household. Resenting the incivility, she replied that fear in itself implied the consciousness of guilt, and by her words and manner manifested her wish to dismiss all further explanation. Although Sir James Hamilton and others met her, she observed the same neglect of ceremony on the part of the citizens of Glasgow, none of whom came to visit or receive her; and she drew from it the conclusion that, in the quarrel with her husband, they took part with him as against her.

But the important part of the letter is that which gives an account of her dealings with Darnley. She tells of his inquiring of one of her domestics why she did not lodge beside him, alleging that this would have expedited his recovery, and asked whether her visit was intended as a visit of reconciliation; also whether Bothwell was with her, whether she had yet

made her state (that is, the list of her household and establishment), and whether she had taken Paris and Gilbert into her household and dismissed Joseph Rizzio, the brother of David.

At these, and other further minute inquiries of Darnley into her proceedings, she expresses her annoyance. Nothing is said of the precise time of her own visit to Darnley, but the interview between them began by her asking him what he meant by complaining in his letters of cruelty? He only replied vaguely that he did dreme;" and he then broke into manifestations of exceeding joy and consolation at her visit; but he confessed that he had indeed accused her of cruelty. She visited him a second time after supper, when he declared that his sickness was the result of this cruelty on her part, generally confessing his faults, though he throws the blame on her hardness in refusing to accept his promises of repentance, but denying that fault in particular (probably complicity in Rizzio's murder) which he had always disavowed. In answer to her charge of his always having relapsed soon after forgiveness, he pleads his youth and inexperience, and the example of others who had similarly offended but had been pardoned by her; and he professes now his firm resolve, that, if she will but once more forgive him, he will never sin again. He only asks to be restored to his place as her husband, and declares that if this be denied, he "will never rise from the bed." Although she says she replied to him, she does not give the reply, on the ground that it would be too long to enter into the particulars. We pass over many of the details which follow, in order to come to the most material portion of the letter;-the portion which in truth, if written by Mary Stuart, would exhibit a depth of wickedness and an utter abandonment of moral principle and of human feeling of which history can hardly supply another example. She goes on to describe the horrible duplicity with which she played upon the weakness of the unhappy youth and lulled all his suspicions into fatal security, in order to decoy him within reach of the dark doom to which, in concert with her blood-stained paramour, she had fore-destined him. This passage must be transcribed entire:

As for myself, he would rather lose his life than do me the least displeasure; and used so many kinds of flatteries, so coldly and so wisely, as you would marvyle at. I had forgotten that he said that he could not mistrust me for Hiegate's word, for he would not believe that his ownself (which was myself) wold do him any hurt; and indeed it was said that I refused to have him let blood. But for the others, he wold at least sell his life deare ynoughe; but that he did suspect nobody, nor would, but love

all that I did love. He would not let me go, but wold have me to watche with him. I made as though I thought all to be true, and that I would think upon it, and have excused myself from sitting up with him this night, for he saith that he sleepeth not. You never heard him speake better nor more humbly; and if I had not proof of his heart to be as waxe, and that mine were not as a diamond, no stroke but coming from your hand would make me but to have pity of him. But fear not, for the place shall continue till death. Remember also, in recompence thereof, not to suffer yours to be won by that false race that would do no less to yourself. I think they have been at school together. He hath always the tear in his eye. He saluteth every man, even to the meanest, and maketh much of them, that they may take pity of him. His father hath bled this day at the nose and at the mouth-guess what token that is. I have not seen him; he is in his chamber. The king is so desirous that I should give him meat with my own hands, but trust you no more there where you are than I do here. This is my first journey; I will end tomorrow. I write all, how little consequence soever it be of, to the end that for you to judge

you may take of the whole that shall be best for your purpose.

I do Š here a work that I hate much, but I had begun it this morning; and you not list to laugh to see me so trimly make a lye at the least dissemble, and to mingle truth therewith. He hath almost told me all on the bishop's behalf and of Sunderland, without touching any word unto him of that which you had told me; but only be much flattering him and praying him to assure himself of me, and by my complaining of the bishop, I have disclosed all, I have known what I would. I have taken the worms out of his nose. You have heard the rest. We are tied to with two false races. The good yeere untye us from them. God forgive me, and God knit us together for ever, for the most faithful couple that e'er He did knit together. This is my faith-I will die in it. Excuse it if I write ill; you must guess the onehalf I cannot do withal, for I am ill at ease, and glad to write unto you when other folke be asleep, seeing that I cannot do as they do, according to my desire, that is between your arms, my dear life, who I beseech God to preserve from all ill, and send you good rest, as I go to seek mine, till to-morrow in the morning, that I will end my Bible. But it grieveth me that it should let me from writing unto you of news of myself, much I have to write so long the same is. Send me word what you have determined hereupon, that we may know by the one the other's mind for marring of anything. I am weary, and am asleep, and yet I cannot forbear scribbling as long as there is any paper. Cursed be this pocky fellow that troubleth me thus much, for I had a pleasanter matter to discourse unto you but for him. He is not much the worse, but he is ill arrayed. I thought I should have been killed with his breath, for it is worse than your uncle's breath; and yet I was set no nearer to him than in a chair by his bolster, and he lieth at the further side of the bed.

Then follow a number of memoranda of heads, from which it might appear it was intended to frame the above narrative;