heretics and infidels on the other, that no amount of physical juxtaposition could engender amalgamation of spirit. Then came those ages, during which Europe was exclusively Catholic, and in which therefore the present question was not practical. But in modern times, and especially in Protestant countries, there is (as every one knows) a large amount of cordial and even intimate intercourse between the Church's children and externs; and Catholics are constantly brought into contact with non-Catholic literature. We are not here considering, how far all this is legitimate and how far it is excessive.* At all events it is most obvious that, where such is the habit of Catholics, it is impossible to exaggerate the importance of imbuing Catholic youth to the utmost possible extent with pure Catholic instincts.†

These principles are applicable to Catholic education through its whole length and breadth. Our present concern, however, is not chiefly with Catholic education in general, but rather with that portion of it which comes into contact with political action; that portion of it which, within these islands, may probably be affected by intervention of the legislature. On reflection, it will be found that this portion embraces the two extremes. On the one hand the interests of Catholic popular education may be indefinitely promoted or thwarted, by the conditions which Parliament may attach to school subvention; and far more were it to adopt any measure of compulsory education. On the other hand the higher education of leisured Catholics cannot but be seriously affected by any enactments which may be made as to those academical degrees which the State shall recognize. We will consider the two subjects successively; and show in either case how essential it is, that the education and the whole educational system shall be, so far as Catholics are concerned, exclusively Catholic. We reserve all details for future treatment: our present purpose is merely to give a general conspectus of existing phenomena, considered under the light of Catholic principle. First then as to popular education.

What the Church aims at in her education of a Catholic child, is firstly, and as a foundation, that he shall intimately apprehend Catholic dogma that he shall have formed in his mind the one true impression, on Father, Son, and Holy Ghost; on our Blessed Lady; on prayer; on the Sacraments, &c. &c. Then, this foundation having been laid, the second great desideratum is, that he shall learn the art (one may almost say the knack) of "living

*The "Month" of last May (p. 421) speaks of the "books and newspapers and magazines which English Catholics too often think themselves at liberty to read." It adds that, in consequence, if they have not been guarded by a careful Catholic education, "they will stand in proximate danger of losing the Faith.”

+ On "Catholic instincts" see our last number, pp. 435-6.

to" these great verities; of imbuing his interior life with them as with its animating principle; of ever preserving their thought in his mind, as of actively energizing implicit premisses. We are not here to consider all the various methods used by her for this great purpose. But it is important to point out, as indeed we have already pointed out in this very article, that the most important of all is the "surrounding him with a Catholic atmosphere"; the securing, that those under whose influence he is brought, shall think and feel those very thoughts and feelings, with which she desires him to be implicitly but most efficaciously imbued.

Then further, what is the chief instrument used by the Church in order to save her children of this lowest class from crime and sin, and to foster within them the earnest love of God? Indubitably the agency of her ministers. This is her practical aim in dealing with a poor child; that he shall be trained to regard her priests as his trusted and trustworthy guides in all the most important affairs of life. But mixed education tells powerfully in a direction precisely opposite. Under this system, a priest is known to Catholic poor children, somewhat as the drawing or music master is presented to young persons of a higher class. He is presented to them, not as their one legitimate adviser and as the director and superintendent of their mental and moral training, but simply as the imparter of one particular episodical accomplishment.

We have no wish at all to exaggerate. The Church of course, under circumstances however unfavourable, will do the best she can : nor do we deny that, even under a mixed system, she may achieve important results. But it is the simple truth to say, that mixed education absolutely incapacitates her from training her children a single step in her own chosen way. She acts as best she may under a method totally alien from her own; and Catholic children are educated, not as she desires to educate them, but in a way entirely opposed to that which she prefers. So far as this state of things is forced on her, she suffers under a veritable persecution. Here three questions are briefly to be presented, on which there is some difference of opinion among good Catholics.

1. Is the existence of a conscience-clause in schools consistent with the Catholic principle of education? It seems to us that there are two importantly different senses, in which this phrase "conscience-clause" is sometimes used; and that the question cannot be satisfactorily discussed, unless this distinction is carefully kept in mind.

According to the sense in which some have understood this phrase, any Catholic school bound by a conscience-clause would be thus circumstanced. So long as Protestant children are present, no Catholic prayer could be recited by the rest; nor could any Catholic symbols-crucifixes, images of our Blessed Lady and the

Saints, &c. &c.-be publicly exhibited. The general discipline of the school could not be used as an instrument for imbuing the children with a Catholic spirit; the offences of Catholic children could not be publicly rebuked on Catholic grounds, nor Catholic motives be proposed as incentives to exertion and good conduct. This is substantially the theory of the Irish so-called "national education," against which the Irish bishops have of late so energetically protested. If carried into practice (which in Ireland, however, has by no means commonly been the case), it becomes the direct contradictory of Catholic education. Catholics must most certainly then contest against any conscience-clause in this sense, as for a matter of life and death.

But there is another very different sense of the word, according to which a Catholic school so bound would be far less unfavourably circumstanced than in the former illustration. The teacher would not indeed be permitted to instruct Protestant children in any religious doctrine whatever: but he would not be at all debarred by their presence from addressing Catholic children on Catholic grounds; from assembling Catholic children in Catholic prayer; from publicly exhibiting the crucifix and other Catholic symbols. Whether, even in this modified form, a conscience-clause be admissible, is a question on which we offer no decided opinion; though our own strong bias is towards an affirmative reply. Of course indeed it is only admissible as the least of two evils: still we think it very important to keep in as clear light as possible the broad distinction which exists, between two different senses of the same phrase.

2. A second question debated among Catholics is, whether it falls within the State's competence to enforce compulsory education. An able and interesting article, which appeared in the "Month" of last September, took for granted (pp. 219, et seq.) an affirmative answer to the question. On the other hand, F. Riess, as we mentioned in our number for October, 1868 (p. 544), maintains that such a theory must issue in socialism as its result. In citing F. Riess's opinion, we expressly stated that we by no means committed ourselves to concurrence with it; and we find it very difficult to arrive at any clear conclusion on the matter. We think it of some moment just now, that the question shall receive a far fuller and profounder theological examination than (so far as we know) has yet been given it.

3. Thirdly, it may be asked-assuming that the second question were answered in the affirmative-whether there could be any compulsory education enforced by the State, which would in fact be serviceable to Catholic interests. On this question the "Month seems to have somewhat changed its bias after reflection: in September it suggested an affirmative answer, whereas in November (p. 434) it more than inclined to the negative. At all events, as

regards any attempt to enforce compulsory mixed educationthough we feel with our contemporary how far this is from an immediately probable supposition-we cannot do better than repeat his very forcible words (p. 435). Any such imaginable proposal "ought to be resisted by Catholics with as much resolution and tenacity, as if it were an Act of Parliament ordering them to throw all their children into the fire as soon as they were born."

We now come to the higher education of leisured Catholics. And of this we may truly say, that in these islands it is without exception the most critical and anxious question of the day. Catholicity is not now menaced by special heresy or false theological dogma, but by what may be called the spirit of the age; the principles of Liberalism; the subtle poison of Indifferentism. If the Church is enabled to hold her own and sufficiently to repel these enemies, she will become the one conservative element of England, its one regenerating and saving influence. Otherwise she will lose even her present position; she will dwindle down by degrees to a small and insignificant sect, tolerated because harmless. Which of these results may be expected? It is very far from an improbable supposition, that the alternative will depend on this simple issue, whether educated laymen do or do not work in profound sympathy and agreement with the clergy and with Catholic doctrine. But the clergy will assuredly be faithful to Catholic doctrine in its fulness and integrity; never was there a time when this prophecy might more securely be made. It is far from improbable then, that England's whole future turns on the question, whether the Catholic leisured classes do or do not receive an education which shall be purely and pervasively orthodox. And it is the concluding years of this education, which may be so seriously and permanently influenced by political measures of this present moment.

Now it is the concluding years of the educational course, which give to what has gone before its full meaning and significance. Hitherto the student has acquired much explicit religious and much explicit secular knowledge: the characteristic work of the last period, is blending the two into one harmonious whole. He knows Christian doctrine in itself: he has to be trained in the habit of measuring, by its standard, the whole field of philosophy, history, and literature. As the soul in its indivisible integrity animates alike every separate part of the human frame, and (by thus animating it) blends it into one; so the highly-educated Catholic welds the whole mass of his knowledge into one solid and consistent organism, by the implicit presence, throughout every separate portion, of the Church's unifying doctrinal system.

What is necessary in order that this result may be insured? It is necessary that the student shall breathe an exclusively Catholic atmosphere; that all his instruction, which bears directly

or indirectly on religion, shall be imparted by Catholic teachers, and so imparted as most clearly to impress on his mind this bearing; that the course of studies shall be carefully mapped out by Catholic superiors, with a view to this all-important end. In the latter condition one further particular is of course included. Should Catholics be brought for examination before any board not exclusively Catholic, secure provision must be made, that there be the fullest power of adequately preparing youths for that examination, without important deviation from that course of study which, on exclusively Catholic grounds, is judged desirable. These principles are embodied by the Irish Episcopate in those admirable resolutions which we printed last October (pp. 482-4), and which we have named at the head of this article. As the "Month" most truly observes, in a Catholic country like Ireland the people have full right to expect a Catholic University. This however, for the purpose of making every possible concession, the bishops are prepared to waive; and we cannot do better for illustration of our general argument, than quote three of their resolutions.

V. As regards higher education, since the Protestants of this country have had a Protestant University for three hundred years, and have it still, the Catholic people of Ireland clearly have a right to a Catholic University.

VI.—But should Her Majesty's Government be unwilling to increase the number of Universities in this country, the bishops declare that religious equality cannot be realized, unless the degrees, endowments, and other privileges enjoyed by their fellow-subjects of a different religion be placed within the reach of Catholics in the fullest sense of equality. The injustice of denying to them a participation in those advantages except at the cost of principle and conscience, is aggravated by the consideration that whilst they contribute their share to the public funds for the support of educational institutions from which conscience warns them away, they have moreover to tax themselves for the education of their children in their own colleges and university.

VII. Should it please Her Majesty's Government, therefore, to remove the many grievances to which Catholics are subjected by existing university arrangements, and to establish one national university in this kingdom for examining candidates and conferring degrees, the Catholic people of Ireland are entitled in justice to demand that in such university, or annexed to it— (a.) They shall have a distinct college, conducted upon purely Catholic principles, and at the same time fully participating in the privileges enjoyed by other colleges of whatsoever denomination or character.

(b.) That the university honours and emoluments be accessible to Catholics equally with their Protestant fellow-subjects.

(c.) That the examinations and all other details of university arrangement be free from every influence hostile to the religious sentiments of Catholics; and that with this view the Catholic element be adequately represented upon the senate, or other supreme university body, by persons