such "strong marks of the hand of Shakespeare'." The our greatest_dead one, "whom, through the mouths of coincidence between the line "Nor sky-aspiring pyramids our name," "Or that his hallow'd relics should be hid those whom he has inspired to body forth the modifications of his immense mind, we seem to know better than any human writer, it may be truly said that we scarcely know anything. We see him, so far as we do see him, not in himself, but in a reflex image from the objectivity in which he is manifested: he is Falstaff, and Mercutio, and Malvolio, and Jaques, and Portia, and Imogen, and Lear, and Othello; but to us he is scarcely a determined person, a subseems, as far as we recollect, to have escaped notice. stantial reality of past time, the man Shakespeare." We We have thus brought into a consecutive narrative (with cannot flatter ourselves that we have done much to bring the as little interruption of its thread as, under the circum- reader better acquainted with "the man Shakespeare," stances, and with such disjointed materials, seemed to us but if we have done anything we shall be content; and, inpossible) the particulars respecting the life of the "myriad- stead of attempting any character of our own, we will subjoin minded Shakespeare'," with which our predecessors were one, in the words of the distinguished writer we have above acquainted, or which, from various sources, we have been quoted, as brief in its form as it is comprehensive in its matable, during a long series of years, to collect. Yet, after all, ter:-"The name of Shakespeare is the greatest in our comparing what we really know of our great dramatist literature,—it is the greatest in all literature. No man ever with what we might possibly have known, we cannot but became near to him in the creative powers of the mind; no aware how little has been accomplished. "Of William man had ever such strength at once, and such variety of Shakespeare," says one of our greatest living authors of imagination." If the details of his life be imperfect, the history of his mind is complete; and we leave the reader to turn from the contemplation of "the man Shakespeare" to the study of THE POET SHAKESPEARE. SHAKESPEARE'S WILL. T. Wmj Shackspeare Vicesimo Quinto Die Martij2 Anno Regni Domini | saied countie of warr being parcell or holden of the mannostri Jacobi nunc Rex Anglie &c. Decimo quarto nour of Rowington vnto my Daughter Susanna Hall & her & Scotie xlix Annoq; Domini 1616. heires for ever Item I Gyve & bequeath vnto my saied Daughter Judith One hundred and Fyftie Poundes more if shee or Anie issue of her bodie be Lyvinge att thend of three yeares next ensueing the Daie of the Date of this my Will during which tyme my executours to paie her consideracion from my deceas according to the Rate aforesaied And if she dye within the saied terme without issue of her bodye then my will ys & I Doe gyve & bequeath One Hundred Poundes thereof to my Neece Elizabeth Hall & the Fiftie Poundes to be sett fourth by my executours during the lief of my Sister Johane Harte & the vse and proffitt thereof Cominge shalbe payed to my saied Sister Ione & after her deceas the saied 1 shall Remaine Amongst the children of my saied Sister Equallie to be Devided Amongst them But if my saied Daughter Judith be lyving att thend of the saied three Yeares or anie yssue of her bodye then my will ys & soe I Devise & bequeath the saied Hundred and Fyftie Poundes to be sett out by my executours & overseers for the best benefitt of her & her issue & the stock not to be paied vnto her soe long as she shalbe marryed & Covert Baron10 but my will ys that she shall have the consideracion yearlie paied vnto her during her lief & after her deceas the saied stock and consideracion to bee paied to her children if she have Anie & if not to her executours or assignes she lyving the saied terme after my deceas Provided that if such hus In the name of god Amen I William Shackspeare of Stratford vpon Avon in the countie of warr gent in perfect health & memorie god be praysed doe make & Ordayne this my last will & testament in manner & forme followeing That ys to saye First I Comend my Soule into the handes of god my Creator hoping & assuredlie beleeving through thonelie merites of Jesus Christe my Saviour to be made partaker of lyfe everlastinge And my bodye to the Earth whereof yt ys made Item I Gyve & bequeath vnto my Daughter Judyth One hundred & Fyftie poundes of lawfull English money to be paied vnto her in manner & forme followeing That ys to saye One hundred pounds in discharge of her marriage porcion within one yeare after my deceas with consideracion after the Rate of twoe Shillinges in the pound for soe long tyme as the same shalbe vnpaied vnto her after my deceas & the Fyftie poundes Residewe thereof vpon her Surrendring of or gyving of such sufficient Securitie as the overseers of this my Will shall like of to Surrender or graunte All her estate & Right that shall discend or come vnto her after my deceas or that shee nowe hath of in or to one Copiehold tenemente with thappurtenances lyeing & being in Stratford vpon Avon aforesaied in the 1 The following is from an exact transcript of the original Will deposited in the Prerogative office, London, the only difference being that we have not thought it necessary to give the legal contractions of the scrivener: in all other respects, even to the misemployment of capital letters, and the omission of points our copy is most faithful. 2 The word "Martij" is interlined above "Januarij," which is struck through with the pen. Malone (Shaksp. by Boswell, vol. i. p. 601.) states that the word struck through is Februarij, but this is a mistake. 3 Before "Daughter" sonne and was originally written, but struck through with the pen. 4 The words "in discharge of her marriage porcion" are interlined. 5 The word "of" is interlined. 6 The words "that shee" are interlined. 7 The words "by my executours and overseers" are interlined. 8 The words "the stock" are interlined. 9 The words "to be" are interlined. 10 After "Baron" the words "by my executours & overseers" are erased with the pen. bond as she shall att thend of the saied three yeares be mar- | saied Susanna Hall for & during the terme of her naturall ryed vnto or attaine after doe sufficientlie Assure vnto her lief & after her deceas to the first sonne of her bodie law& thissue of her bodie landes Answereable to the porcion fullie yssueing & to the heires Males of the bodie of the saied by this my will gyven vnto her & to be adiudged soe by my first Sonne lawfullie yssueing & for defalt of such issue to executours & overseers then my will ys that the saied Cll the second Sonne of her bodie lawfullie issueinge & to the shalbe paied to such husbond as shall make such assurance heires males of the bodie of the saied Second Sonne lawfulto his owne vse Item I gyve & bequeath vnto my saied sis- lie yssueinge and for defalt of such heires to the third Sonne ter Ione xxli & all my wearing Apparrell to be paied & de- of the bodie of the saied Susanna Lawfullie yssueing & of liuered within one yeare after my Deceas And I doe wil! the heires males of the bodie of the saied third sonne law& devise vnto her the house1 with thappurtenances in Strat- fullie yssueing And for defalt of such issue the same soe to ford wherein she dwelleth for her natural lief vnder the be & Remaine to the Fourth12 Fyfth sixte & Seaventh sonnes yearlie Rent of xiid Item I gyve & bequeath2 vnto her of her bodie lawfullie issueing one after Another & to the three sonns William Harte Hart & Michaell Harte heires13 Males of the bodies of the saied Fourth fifth Sixte Fyve Poundes A peece to be paied within one Yeare after and Seaventh sonnes lawfullie yssueing in such manner as my deceas3 her Item I gyve & bequeath unto the saied yt ys before Lymitted to be & Remaine to the first second Elizabeth Hall* All my Plate (except my brod silver & gilt & third Sonns of her bodie & to their heires Males And for bole") that I now have att the Date of this my will Item I defalt of such issue the saied premisses to be & Remaine to gyve & bequeath vnto the Poore of Stratford aforesaied tenn my sayed Neece Hall & the heires Males of her bodie lawpoundes to Mr Thomas Combe my Sword to Thomas Rus- fullie yssueing & for defalt of such issue to my Daughter sell Esquier Fyve poundes & to Frauncis Collins of the Bo- Judith & the heires Males of her body lawfullie issueinge rough of warr in the countie of warr gentleman thirteene And for defalt of such issue to the Right heires of poundes Sixe shillinges & Eight pence to be paied within me the saied William Shackspeare for ever Item I gyve one Yeare after my Deceas Item I gyve & bequeath to vnto my wief my second best bed with the furniture11 Ïtem Hamlett Sadler xxvis viijd to buy him A Ringe to William I gyve & bequeath to my saied Daughter Judith my broad Raynoldes gent xxvjs viijd to buy him a Ringe to my godson silver gilt bole All the rest of my goodes Chattel Leases William Walker xx3 in gold to Anthonye Nashe gent xxvjs plate Jewels & household stuffe whatsoeuer after my Dettes viija & to Mr John Nashe xxvjs viijde & to my Fellowes John and Legasies paied & my funerall expences discharged I Hemynges Richard Burbage & Henry Cundell xxvjs viijd gyve devise and bequeath to my Sonne in Lawe John Hall Apeece to buy them Ringes Item I Gyve will bequeath & gent & my Daughter Susanna his wief whom I ordaine & devise vnto my Daughter Susanna Hall for better enabling make executours of this my Last will and testament And I of her to performe this my will & towardes the performans doe intreat & Appoint the saied 15 Thomas Russell Esquier & thereof 1oAll that Capitall messuage or tenemente with thap- Frauncis Collins gent to be overseers hereof And doe Repurtenances in Stratford aforesaid" Called the new place voke All former wills & publishe this to be my last will and wherein I nowe Dwell & two Messuages or tenementes with testament In Witness whereof I have herevnto put my thappurtenances scituat lyeing & being in Henley streete hand16 the Daie & Yeare first aboue written. within the borough of Stratford aforesaied And all my "By me William Shakspeare. barnes stables Orchardes gardens landes tenementes & hereditamentes whatsoeuer scituat lyeing & being or to be had Receyved perceyved or taken within the townes Hamletes Villages. Fieldes & groundes of Stratford vpon Avon Oldstratford Bushopton & Welcombe or in anie of them in the said countie of warr And alsoe All that messuage or tenemente with thappurtenances wherein One John Robinson dwelleth scituat Tyeing & being in the blackfriers in London nere the Wardrobe & all other my landes tenementes & hereditamentes whatsoeuer To have & to hold All & singuler the saied premisses with their appurtenances vnto the 10 1 The words "the house" are interlined. * The first sheet ends with the word “bequeath," and the testator's signature is in the margin opposite. 3 After "deceas" follow these words, struck through with the pen, to be sett out for her within one yeare after my deceas by my executours with thadvise and direccions of my overseers for her best profitt vntill her mariage and then the same with the increase thereof to be paied vnto:" the erasure ought also to have included the word "her,” which follows "vnto." 4 The words "the saied Elizabeth Hall" are interlined above her, which is struck through with the pen. This parenthesis is an interlineation. 6Hamlet Sadler" is an interlineation above Mr. Richard Tyler thelder, which is erased. 7 The words "to William Raynoldes gentleman xxvjs viijd to buy him A Ringe" are interlined. Witnes to the publishing Probatum cora Magr. Willim 8 After "xxvja viija” in gold was originally written, but erased with the pen. 9 The words " & to my Fellowes John Hemynges Richard Burbage and Henry Cundell xxvjs viijd to buy them Ringes" are interlined. 10 The words "for better enabling of her to performe this my will & towardes the performans thereof" are interlined. 11 The words "in Stratford aforesaid" are interlined. 12 After "Fourth" the word sonne was first written, but erased with the pen. 13 The second sheet ends with the word "heires," and the signature of the testator is at the bottom of it 14 The words "Item I gyve vnto my wief my second best bed with the furniture" are interlined, 15 The words "the saied” are interlined. 16 The word "hand" is interlined above scale, which is erased with the pen. INTRODUCTION TO THE TEMPEST. we find the following words, which we reprint, for the first time, exactly as they stand in the original edition, where Italic type seems to have been used to make the allusions more distinct and obvious:-"If there bee never a Servant, monster i' the Fayre, who can helpe it, he sayes; nor a nest of Antiques? Hee is loth to make Nature afraid in his Playeslike those that beget Tales, Tempests, and such like Drolleries." The words servant-monster," "antiques," "Tales," ["The Tempest" was first printed in the folio edition of "Mr. William Shakespeare's Comedies, Histories, and Tragedies," bearing date in 1623, where it stands first, and occupies nineteen pages, viz. from p. 1, to p. 19 inclusive. It fills the same place in the folios of 1632, 1664, and 1685.] A MATERIAL fact, in reference to the date of the first pro-"Tempests," and "drolleries," which last Shakespeare himduction of "The Tempest," has only been recently ascertained: we allude to the notice of the performance of it, before King James, on Nov. 1st, 1611,1 which is contained in the "Extracts from the Accounts of the Revels at Court," edited by Mr. P. Cunningham for the Shakespeare Society, p. 211: the memorandum is in the following form: "Hallomas nyght was presented att Whithall before the Kinges Majestie a play called the Tempest." self employs in "The Tempest," (Act iii. sc. 8.) seem so applicable, that they can hardly relate to any thing else. It It may be urged, however, that what was represented at Court in 1611 was only a revival of an older play, acted before 1596, and such may have been the case: we do not, however, think it probable, for several reasons. One of these is an apparently trifling circumstance, pointed out by Farmer; viz. that in "The Merchant of Venice," written before 1598, the name of Stephano is invariably pronounced with the accent In the margin is inserted the additional circumstance, that on the second syllable, while in "The Tempest," the proper the performance was "by the King's Players ;" and there can pronunciation is as constantly required by the verse. be no reasonable doubt that it was Shakespeare's drama, seems certain, therefore, that Shakespeare found his error in which had been written for that company. When it had been the interval, and he may have learnt it from Ben Jonson's so written, is still a point of difficulty; but the probability," Every Man in his Humour," in which Shakespeare perwe think, is that it was selected by the Master of the Revels, formed, and in the original list of characters to which, in the for representation at Court in 1611, on account of its novelty edition of 1601, the names not only of Stephano, but of Prosand popularity on the public stage. Eleven other dramas, pero occur. as appears by the same document, were exhibited between · Oct. 31, 1611, and the same day in the next year; and it is remarkable that ten of these (as far as we possess any information respecting them) were comparatively new plays, and with regard to the eleventh, it was not more than three years old. We may, perhaps, be warranted in inferring, therefore, that "The Tempest" was also not then an old play. It seems to us, likewise, that the internal evidence, derived from style and language, clearly indicates that it was a late production, and that it belongs to about the same period of our great dramatist's literary history as his "Winter's Tale," which was also chosen for a Court-play, and represented at Whitehall only four days after "The Tempest" had been exhibited. In point of construction, it must be admitted at once that there is the most obvious dissimilarity, inasmuch as "The Winter's Tale" is a piece in which the unities are utterly disregarded, while in "The Tempest" they are strictly observed. It is only in the involved and parenthetical character of some of the speeches, and in psychological resemblances, that we would institute a comparison between "The Tempest" and the "Winter's Tale," and would infer from thence that they belong to about the same period. Without here adverting to the real or supposed origin of the story, or to temporary incidents which may have suggested any part of the plot, we may remark that there is one piece of external evidence which strongly tends to confirm the opinion that "The Tempest" was composed not very long before Ben Jonson wrote one of his comedies: we allude to his "Bartholomew Fair," and to a passage in "the Induction," frequently mentioned, and which we concur in thinking was intended as a hit not only at "The Tempest," but at "The Winter's Tale." Ben Jonson's "Bartholomew Fair," was acted in 1614, and written perhaps in the preceding year, during the popularity of Shakespeare's two plays; and there 3 1 The earliest date hitherto discovered for the performance of "The Tempest" was the beginning of the year 1613," which Malone established from Vertue's MSS.: it was then acted by "the King's Company, before Prince Charles, the Princess Elizabeth, and the Prince Palatine," but where, is not stated. 2 See note 2 to the Introduction to "The Winter's Tale." The particular play to which we refer is entitled in the Revels' Account Lucrecia," which may have been either T. Heywood's "Rape of Lucrece," first printed in 1608, or a different tragedy on the same incidents. $ See "Alleyn Papers," printed by the Shakespeare Society, p. 67, where Daborne, under date of Nov. 13th, 1613, speaks of "Jonson's play" as then about to be performed. Possibly it was deferred for a short time, as the title-page states that it was acted in 1614. It may have been written in 1612, for performance in 1613. Another circumstance shows, we think almost decisively, that "The Tempest" was not written until after 1603, when the translation of Montaigne's Essays, by Florio, made its first appearance in print. In Act II. sc. 1, is a passage so closely copied from Florio's version, as to leave no doubt of identity.4 If it be said that these lines may have been an insertion subsequent to the original production of the play, we answer, that the passage is not such as could have been introduced, like some others, to answer a temporary or complimentary purpose, and that it is given as a necessary and continuous portion of the dialogue. The Rev. Mr. Hunter, in his very ingenious and elaborate Disquisition on the Tempest," has referred to this and to other points, with a view of proving that every body has hitherto been mistaken, and that this play instead of being one of his latest, was one of Shakespeare's earliest works. With regard to the point derived from Montaigne's Essays by Florio, 1603, he has contended, that if the particular essay were not separately printed before, (of which we have not the slightest hint) Shakespeare may have seen the translation in manuscript; but unless he so saw it in print or manuscript as early as 1595, nothing is established in favour of Mr. Hunter's argument; and surely when other circumstances show that "The Tempest" was not written till 1610,5 we need not hesitate long in deciding that our great dramatist went to no manuscript authority, but took the passage almost verbatim, as he found it in the complete edition. In the same way Mr. Hunter has argued, that "The Tempest" was not omitted by Meres in his list in 1598, but that it is found there under its second title, of "Love's Labours Won;" but this is little better than a gratuitous assumption, even supposing we were to admit that "All's well that ends Well" is not the play intended by Meres. Our notion is, that "All's well that ends Well" was originally called "Love's Labours Won," and that it was revived, with some other changes, under a new in 'The Tempest,' exhibited in its profound and original characterisation, strikes us at once; but we must also admire the deep sense of the art (tiefsinnige Kunst) which is apparent in the structure of the whole, in the wise economy of its means, and in the skill with which the scaffolding is raised to sustain the marvellous aerial structure." Ueber Dram. Kunst und Litt. Vol. iii. p. 123. edit. 1817. THE TWO GENTLEMEN OF VERONA. ["The Two Gentlemen of Verona" was first printed in the folio of 1623, where it occupies nineteen pages, viz. from p. 20 to p. 38, inclusive, in the division of "Comedies." It is there divided into Acts and Scenes. It also stands second in the later folios.] THE only ascertained fact with which we are acquainted, in reference to "The Two Gentlemen of Verona," is, that it is included in the list of Shakespeare's Plays which Francis Meres furnished in his Palladis Tamia, 1598. It comes first in that enumeration, and although this is a very slight circumstance, it may afford some confirmation to the opinion, founded upon internal evidence of plot, style, and characters, that it was one of the earliest, if not the very earliest of Shakespeare's original dramatic compositions. It is the second play in the folio of 1623, where it first appeared, but that is no criterion of the period at which it was originally written. It would, we think, be idle to attempt to fix upon any particular year: it is unquestionably the work of a young and unpractised dramatist, and the conclusion is especially inartificial and abrupt. It may have been written by our great dramatist very soon after he joined a theatrical company; and at all events we do not think it likely that it was composed subsequently to 1591. We should be inclined to place it, as indeed it stands in the work of Meres, immediately before "Love's Labour's Lost." Meres calls it the "Gentlemen of Verona." Malone, judging from two passages in the comedy, first argued that it was produced in 1595, but he afterwards adopted 1591 as the more probable date. The quotations to which he refers, in truth, prove nothing, either as regards 1595 or 1591. No novel, in prose or verse, to which Shakespeare resorted for the incidents of "The Tempest" has yet been discovered; and although Collins, late in his brief career, mentioned to T. Warton that he had seen such a tale, it has never come to light, and we apprehend that he must have been mistaken. We have turned over the pages of, we believe, every Italian novelist, anterior to the age of Shakespeare, in hopes of finding some story containing traces of the incidents of "The Tempest," but without success. The ballad entitled "The Inchanted Island," printed in "Farther Particulars regarding Shakespeare and his Works," is a more modern production than the play, from which it varies in the names, as well as in some points of the story, as if for the purpose of concealing its connection with a production which was popular on the stage. Our opinion decidedly is, that it was founded upon "The Tempest," and not upon any ancient narrative to which Shakespeare also might have been indebted. It may be re-merely of the author's invention, we have yet to discover the marked, that here also no locality is given to the island: on the contrary, we are told, if it ever had any existence but in the imagination of the poet, that it had disappeared: "From that daie forth the Isle has beene Beneath the sea, which breakes and rores Nor ere is knowne to sleepe." If "The Two Gentlemen of Verona" were not the offspring source of its plot. Points of resemblance have been dwelt upon in connection with Sir Philip Sidney's "Arcadia," 1590, and the "Diana" of Montemayor, which was not translated into English by B. Yonge until 1598; but the incidents, common to the drama and to these two works, are only such as might be found in other romances, or would present themselves spontaneously to the mind of a young poet: the one is the command of banditti by Valentine; and the other the assumption of male attire by Julia, for a purpose nearly simiMr. Thoms has pointed out some resemblances in the inci- lar to that of Viola in "Twelfth Night." Extracts from the dents of an early German play, entitled Die Schone Sidea, and "Arcadia" and the "Diana" are to be found in "Shake"The Tempest:" his theory is, that a drama upon a similar speare's Library," vol. ii. The notion of some critics, that story was at an early date performed in Germany, and that The Two Gentlemen of Verona" contains few or no marks if it were not taken from Shakespeare's play, it was perhaps of Shakespeare's hand, is a strong proof of their incompetence derived from the same unknown source. Mr. Thoms is to form a judgment. preparing a translation of it for the Shakespeare Society, and we shall then be better able to form an opinion, as to the real or supposed connection between the two. When Coleridge tells us (Lit. Rem. ii. p. 94.) that "The Tempest' is a specimen of the purely romantic Drama," he of course refers to the nature of the plot and personages: in one sense of the words, it is not a "romantic drama," inasmuch as there are few plays, ancient or modern, in which the unities are more exactly observed: the whole of the events occupy only a few hours. At the same time it is perfectly true, as the same enlightened and fanciful commentator adds, "It is a species of drama, which owes no allegiance to time or space, and in which, therefore, errors of chronology and geography-no mortal sins in any species-are venial faults, and count for nothing: it addresses itself entirely to the imaginative faculty." This opinion was delivered in 1818; and three years earlier Coleridge had spoken of "The Tempest," as certainly one of Shakespeare's latest works, judging from the language only: Schlegel was of the same opinion, without, however, assigning any distinct reason, and instituted a comparison between "The Tempest" and "Midsummer Night's Dream," adding, "The preponderance of thought all events "The Tempest" was played at Court under that title in 1611 and 1613. Mr. Hunter also endeavours to establish that Ben Jonson alluded to "The Tempest" in 1596, in the Prologue to THE MERRY WIVES OF WINDSOR. 4to. な The 4to. of 1680, was "printed by T. H. for R. Meighen." &c. In the folio,1623, "The Merry Wiues of Windsor" occupies twenty-two pages, viz. from p. 39 to p. 60 inclusive, in the division of "Comedies." It also stands third in the three later folios.] THIS comedy was printed for the first time in a perfect state in the folio of 1623: it had come out in an imperfect state in 1602, and again in 1619, in both instances for a bookseller of the name of Arthur Johnson: Arthur Johnson acquired the right to publish it from John Busby, and the original entry, and the assignment of the play, run thus in the Registers of the Stationers' Company. "18 Jan. 1601. John Busby] An excellent and pleasant conceited commedie of Sir John Faulstof, and the Merry wyves of Windesor sor." Dennis in that year printed his "Comical Gallant," founded upon the "Merry Wives of Windsor," and in the dedication he states, that the comedy was written at the command of Queen Elizabeth, and by her direction; and she was so eager to see it acted, that she commanded it to be finished in fourteen days." Dennis gives no authority for any part of this assertion, but because he knew Dryden, it is supposed to have come from him; and because Dryden was acquainted with Davenant, it has been conjectured that the latter might have communicated it to the former. We own that we place little or no reliance on the story, especially recollecting that Dennis had to make out a case in favour of his alterations, by incredibly short period, and consequently that it was capable showing that Shakespeare had composed the comedy in an of improvement. The assertion by Dennis was repeated by Gildon, Pope, Theobald, &c., and hence it has obtained a degree of currency and credit to which it seems by no means entitled. "Arth. Johnson] By assignment from Jno. Busbye a. B. An excellent and pleasant conceited comedie of Sir John Faulstafe, and the mery wyves of WindIt has been a disputed question in what part of the series of dramas in which Falstaff is introduced, "The Merry January 1601, according to our present mode of reckoning Wives of Windsor" ought to be read: Johnson thought it the year, was January 1602, and the "most pleasaunt and came in between "Henry IV." part ii. and "Henry V.;" Maexcellent conceited comedie of Syr John Falstaffe, and the lone, on the other hand, argued that it should be placed bemerrie Wives of Windsor," (the title-page following the de- tween the two parts of "Henry IV.;" but the truth is, that scription in the entry) appeared in quarto with the date almost insuperable difficulties present themselves to either of 1602. It has been the custom to look upon this edition as hypothesis, and we doubt much whether the one or the other the first sketch of the drama, which Shakespeare afterwards is well founded. Shakespeare, having for some reason been enlarged and improved to the form in which it appears in the induced to represent Falstaff in love, considered by what folio of 1623. After the most minute examination, we are persons he might be immediately surrounded, and Bardolph, not of that opinion: it has been universally admitted that the Pistol, Nym, and Mrs. Quickly, naturally presented them4to. of 1602 was piratical; and our conviction is that, like the selves' to his mind: he was aware that the audience, with first edition of "Henry V." in 1600, it was made up, for the whom they had been favourite characters, would expect them purpose of sale, partly from notes taken at the theatre, and still to be Falstaff's companions; and though Shakespeare partly from memory, without even the assistance of any of the had in fact hanged two of them in "Henry V.," and Mrs. parts as delivered out by the copyist of the theatre to the Quickly had died, he might trust to the forgetfulness of those actors. It is to be observed, that John Busby, who assigned before whom the comedy was to be represented, and care "The Merry Wives of Windsor" to Arthur Johnson in 1602, little for the consideration, since so eagerly debated, in what was the same bookseller who, two years before, had joined in the publication of the undoubtedly surreptitious "Henry V." part of the series "The Merry Wives of Windsor" ought to An exact reprint of the 4to. of 1602 has recently been made without reflecting upon the manner in which he had previ be read: Shakespeare might sit down to write the comedy by the Shakespeare Society, under the care of Mr. J. O. Hal-ously disposed of some of the characters he was about to inliwell; and any person possessing it may easily. institute a troduce. Any other mode of solving the modern difficulty comparison between that very hasty and mangled outline, and seems unsatisfactory, and we do not believe that it ever prethe complete and authorized comedy in the folio of 1628, sented itself to the mind of our great dramatist. printed from the play-house manuscript in the hands of Heminge and Condell: on this comparison we rely for evidence to establish the position, that the 4to. of 1602 was not only published without the consent of the author, or of the company for which it was written, but that it was fraudulently made up by some person or persons who attended at the theatre for the purpose. It will be found that there is no variation in the progress of the plot, and that although one or two transpositions may be pointed out, of most of the speeches, necessary to the conduct and development of the story, there all been collected by Mr. Halliwell in the appendix to his reWith regard to the supposed sources of the plot, they have is some germ or fragment: all are made to look like prose or verse, apparently at the mere caprice of the writer, and the print of the imperfect edition of "The Merry Wives of Windedition is wretchedly printed in a large type, as if the object only known English version of the time, is also contained in sor," in 1602: the tale of "The Two Lovers of Pisa," the had been to bring it out with speed, in order to take advanhad been to bring it out with speed, in order to take advan-Shakespeare's Library," Vol. ii.; but our opinion is, that tage of a temporary interest. invent the incidents) has not come down to us. the true original of the story (if Shakespeare did not himself That temporary interest perhaps arose more immediately out the representation of the comedy before Queen Elizabeth, during the Christmas holidays preceding the date of the entry in the Stationers' Registers: the title-page states, that it had been acted "by the Lord Chamberlain's servants" before the Queen "and elsewhere:""elsewhere," was perhaps at the Globe on the Bankside, and we may suppose, that it had been | brought out in the commencement of the summer season of 1600, before the death of Sir Thomas Lucy. If the "dozen white luces" in the first scene were meant to ridicule him, Shakespeare would certainly not have introduced the allusion after the death of the object of it. That it continued a favourite play we can readily believe, and we learn that it was acted before James I., not long after he came to the throne: the following memorandum is contained in the accounts of the "Revels at Court" in the latter end of 1604. "By his Majestie's plaiers. The Sunday followinge A The earliest notice of any of the persons in "The Merry Wives of Windsor" is contained in Dekker's play called. "Satiromastix," 1602, where one of the characters observes, We must have false fires to amaze these spangle-babies, these true heirs of master Justice Shallow." This allusion must have been made soon after Shakespeare's comedy had appeared, unless, indeed, it were to the Justice Shallow of Henry IV." part ii. MEASURE FOR MEASURE. [" Measure for Measure" was first printed in the folio of "Mr. William Shakespeares Comedies, Histories, & Tragedies," 1623, where it occupies twenty-four pages, viz., from p. 61 to p. 84, inclusive, in the division of "Comedies." It was, of course, reprinted in the later folios of 1632, 1664, and 1685.] IN the "History of English Dramatic Poetry," III. 68, it is remarked, that although it seems clear that Shakespeare kept Whetstone's 'Promos and Cassandra' in his eye, while writing 'Measure for Measure,' it is probable that he also made use of some other dramatic composition or novel, in which the same story was treated." I was led to form this opinion from the constant habit of dramatists of that period to employ the productions of their predecessors, and from the extreme likelihood, that when our old play-writers were hunting in all directions for stories which they could convert to their purpose, they would not have passed over the novel by What has led some to imagine that the surreptitious impression of 1602 was the comedy as it first came from the hands of Shakespeare, is a tradition respecting the rapidity with which it was composed. This tradition, when traced to its source, can be carried back no farther than 1702: John Giraldi Cinthio, which had not only been translated, but 1 Seo Mr. Peter Cunningham's "Extracts from the Accounts of had no previous extrinsic knowledge of any early performance of the Revels at Court," (printed for the Shakesp. Society) p. 203. We "The Merry Wives of Windsor." |