his ground among his flock, even when the French army marched upon Imola, shadowed forth, not obscurely, the meek, but unbending courage which distinguished the chequered history of his subsequent life. It is not a little remarkable that the very conduct which was thus admired in the cardinal, should, on a future occasion, be made the ground of accusation against the pope. So it has been, however, with those impracticable persons among the royalist party in France, who, in their blind adoration of the crown, forgot, with the Abbé Blanchard, the duty of reverence for the tiara. It was alleged that the moderation of the bishop of Imola was the result of bis devotion to the principles of the revolution. His toleration of the existing state of things, which it was beyond his power to ameliorate, was construed into a direct approval; and a homily which he addressed to his people on an occasion of peculiar excitement, was represented as a panegyric of the republican government of France. All these charges are solidly refuted by Artaud: and, in truth, for the refutation of that which regards the homily, it is only necessary to read the document itself: a bare perusal will shew that the object was simply to meet a difficulty put forward, even from the pulpit, by the friends of Austria-that it is unlawful to obey the laws of a republic. In order to calm the scrupulous objections of the pious, the homily merely declares in general, without any reference to the French republic, that the republican form of government is not in itself opposed to the principles of the gospel, nor inconsistent with the duties prescribed therein.

In grateful memory of his predecessor, Cardinal Chiaramonti took the name of Pius VII. He was crowned in the church of San Georgio, at Venice, March 21, by Cardinal Antonio Doria. In the encyclical letter addressed to the cardinals and to all the bishops of Christendom, he expressed in the strongest language, that feeling which was always nearest his heart-a paternal sympathy for the condition, and a prayer for the relief, of the oppressed and suffering children of the Church in France. It might seem as if Providence had inspired the prayer. The overthrow of the Directory, long tottering, but more virulent from its very imbecility, had called to the head of affairs, as first consul, with powers even then almost arbitrary, a young and distinguished, but profoundly ambitious, man. We shall not here discuss the motives which guided the early ecclesiastical policy of Napoleon. Chevalier Artaud would seem to insinuate that truth lies between the extreme opinions which are commonly entertained. However

this may be, certain it is that his policy was well calculated to promote that scheme of universal dominion, which, even from the moment of his first successes in Italy, he had began to cherish. The old revolutionary faction, those especially whose hands were stained with the royal blood of France, had ever viewed the altar and the throne with the same sullen hatred; and opposed, with equal animosity, any attempt, however modified, for the restoration of either. These he resolved were to be shaken off. The less violent of the emigrant party, those whose attachment to the cause originated less in affection for the exiled family, than in fear and horror for the anarchy of the blood-stained republic, were expected to hail with joy any return to a form of government, which, in contrast with the existing state of things, might seem almost monarchical. Among these, no less than the high aristocrats, the attachment to religion had remained unshaken through the storm. They regarded the constitutional clergy as apostates from the faith and unity of the Church; and to these, also, no measure could be devised more grateful, than a return to the communion of the holy see, and a re-establishment of the legitimate worship of the country. The brilliant campaign of Marengo, while it restored the French power in Italy, where it had been shaken to its base under the imbecile arms of the Directory, at the same time strengthened and extended at home the growing power of the first consul. The measure so hateful to the remnant of the Robespierre party was taken; and while Pius was yet upon his way to Rome, a communication, through Cardinal Martiniana, bishop of Vercelli, almost from the battle-field of Marengo, signified to him, that it was the wish of the consul to resume the friendly relations with the holy sec, and to treat about the re-establishment of religion in France.

We shall not delay upon this most important negociation, which, by the special providence of God, was made the opening of better days for France. Nothing can be more satisfactory than M. Artaud's account, which comprises a brief explanation of the previous ecclesiastical relations of France with the see of Rome established by the Pragmatic Sanction, and afterwards the concordat of Leo X with Francis I, which, with a few modifications, continued in force till 1789. In the very opening of the discussions, M. Artaud reached Rome as secretary, his principal being M. Cacault, a man of great prudence and moderation. Even at this early stage, we find an outbreak of that imperious and arbitrary temper, which marked

the subsequent conduct of Napoleon towards the holy see. Amid the theological and canonical difficulties in which it was involved, the discussions of the concordat were necessarily tedious, to a degree for which the prompt and decided habits of the soldier-diplomatist could make no allowance; and, in the midst of the proceedings, an imperious dispatch was received, commanding Cacault to leave Rome, if, within three days, the concordat was not duly signed. It was only the extreme prudence of the ambassador which prevented a rupture. By his advice, Cardinal Consalvi, who enjoyed the fullest confidence of his holiness, repaired in person to Paris without a moment's delay; and, by his prudence and address, secured a successful termination of the slippery and precarious discussion, on which depended the peace of religion, and the interests of the suffering Church of France. It was not, however, without great sacrifices that this blessing, so long and anxiously desired, was obtained. The three legations, which the irregular and invalid treaty of Tolentino (signed only by Cacault, who had not full powers, and Napoleon, who had no powers at all) had wrested from the holy see, were suffered to remain unclaimed. But it was with more difficulty that the pope consented to the demand of a new ecclesiastical division of France, and of the resignation of the bishops of the existing

sees.

The concordat was signed at Paris, July 15, 1801, and ratified at Rome on the fifteenth of the following August. In France, however, it was not published for many months. In order to explain the cause of the delay, it may be well to transcribe this remarkable treaty. We give it, in the original French, as it was officially published at Paris.*

"Convention entre Sa Sainteté Pie VII et le gouvernement Français. "Le gouvernement de la republique reconnait que la religion Catholique, Apostolique, Romaine, est la religion de la grande majorité des citoyens Français.

"Sa Sainteté reconnait également, que cette même religion a retiré, et attend encore à ce moment, le plus grand bien, et le plus grand éclat, de l'établissement du culte catholique en France, et de la profession particulière qu'en font les consuls de la republique.

"En conséquence, d'après cette reconnaissance mutuelle, tant pour le bien de la religion, que pour le maintien de la tranquillité intérieure, ils sont convenus de ce qui suit:

1 vol. Svo. containing several other most interesting documents. By authority of the Cardinal Legate. Paris: 1802.

"ARTICLE I. La religion Catholique, Apostolique et Romaine, sera librement exercée en France. Son culte sera public, en se conformant aux règlemens de police, que le Gouvernement jugera nécessaires pour la tranquillité publique.

"11. Il sera fait par le Saint-Siège de concert avec le gouvernement une nouvelle circonscription des diocèses Français.

"III. Sa Sainteté declarera aux titulaires des évêchés Français, qu'elle attend d'eux avec une ferme confiance, pour le bien de la paix et de l'unité, toute espèce de sacrifice, même celui de leurs sièges.

"D'après cette exhortation, s'ils se refusaient à ce sacrifice commandé par le bien de l'Eglise (refus neanmoins auquel Sa Sainteté ne s'attend pas), il sera pourvu par de nouveaux titulaires au gouvernement des évêchés de la circonscription nouvelle, de la manière suivante.

"IV. Le premier consul de la republique nommera, dans les trois mois que suivront la publication de la bulle de Sa Sainteté, aux archévêchés et évêchés de la circonscription nouvelle. Sa Sainteté conferera l'institution canonique suivant les formes établies par rapport à la France avant le changement du gouvernement.

"V.

Les nominations aux évêchés qui vaqueront dans la suite seront également faites par le premier consul; et l'institution canonique sera donnée par le Saint Siège en conformité de l'article précédent.

"VI. Les évêques, avant d'entrer en fonctions, prêteront directement entre les mains du premier consul, le serment de fidélité que était en usage avant le changement du gouvernement, exprimé dans les termes suivans:

"Je jure et promets sur les saints Evangiles, de garder obéissance et fidélité au gouvernement établi par la constitution de la république Française. Je promets aussi de n'avoir aucune intelligence, de n'assister à aucun conseil, de n'entretenir aucune ligue, soit au dedans, soit au dehors, qui soit contraire à la tranquillité publique et si dans ma diocèse, ou ailleurs, j'apprends qu'il se trame quelque chose au préjudice de l'état, je le ferai savoir au gouvernement.

"VII. Les ecclésiastiques du second ordre prêteront le même serment entre les mains des autorités civiles désignées par le gouverne

ment.

"VIII. La formule de prière suivante sera recitée à la fin de l'office divin, dans toutes les églises catholiques de France:

"Domine salvam fac rempublicam.'

"Domine salvos fac consules.'

"IX. Les évêques feront une nouvelle circonscription des paroisses de leurs diocèses, qui n'aura d'effet qu'après le consentement du gouvernement.

"x. Les évêques nommeront aux cures. Leur choix ne pourra tomber que sur des personnes agréés par le gouvernement.

"X1. Les évêques pourront avoir un chapitre dans leur cathédrale,

et un séminaire pour leur diocèse, sans que le gouvernement s'oblige à les doter.

"XII. Toutes les églises métropolitaines, cathédrales, paroissiales, et autres non aliénées, nécessaires au culte, seront mises à la disposition des évêques.

"XIII. Sa Sainteté, pour le bien de la paix et l'heureux rétablissement de la religion catholique, déclare que ni elle, ni ses successeurs, ne troubleront en aucune manière les acquereurs des biens ecclésiastiques aliénées; et qu'en conséquence, le propriété de ces mêmes biens, les droits et revenus y attachés, demeureront incommutable entre leurs mains, ou celles de leurs ayant-cause.

"XIV. Le gouvernement assurera un traitement convenable aux évêques et aux curés dont les diocèses et les cures seront compris dans la circonscription nouvelle.

"XV. Le gouvernement prendra également des mésures pour que les catholiques Français puissent, s'ils le veulent, faire, en faveur des églises, des fondations.

"XVI. Sa Sainteté reconnait, dans le premier consul de la république, les mêmes droits et prérogatives dont jouissait près d'elle l'ancien gouvernement.

"XVII. Il est convenu entre les parties contractantes, que, dans le cas ou quelqu'un des successeurs du premier consul actuel ne serait pas catholique, les droits et prérogatives mentionnés dans l'article ci-dessus, et la nomination aux évêchés, seront reglés, par rapport à lui, par une nouvelle convention.

"Les ratifications seront échangées à Paris dans l'espace de quarante jours.

"Fait à Paris, le 26 Messidor de l'an Ix de la république Française. (15 Juillet, 1801)."

Among the provisions of this concordat, there was none which created so much interest, or involved so many difficulties in its execution, as that contained in Art. III. 'The division of sees made by the civil constitution of the clergy, was advisedly passed over as of no effect; but, as a preliminary to the new circumscription, the first consul insisted on the resignation of the ancient bishops of the existing sees. This was a matter of great difficulty, and only warranted by the extraordinary circumstances of the times; it was not, however, without a precedent, at least in principle. During the stormy discussion of the civil constitution in 1791, thirty bishops of France, with a disinterestedness worthy their sacred calling, had tendered to Pius VI a formal resignation of their sees, for the peace of the Church, and the accommodation of the dangers by which religion was then encompassed. The hope of a similar spirit in circumstances of equal, if not greater, difficulty, induced Pius VII to consent to the proposal of a