OUR VIEWS AND OBJECTS. No. III. MONDAY, AUGUST 2, 1847. always considered by the members of that Church | The objects which we had in view when com- mendations from the Romish clergy. "Of late we have been visited by many Irish The Romanists have long had a weekly paper specially devoted to the advocacy of their cause. It was therefore deemed of the greater importance to have a Protestant journal once a week, or more frequently, to promote Protestant interests. If we shall have succeeded in supplying motives for action,-arguments to convince,-and facts which cannot be disputed; if we may have imparted information,-strengthened conviction,-removed doubts, and led any upon right principles to the right line of action, we would here record our thankfulness for such results. The continuance of our journal beyond the fourteen weeks for which it was at first announced, must depend upon the degree of support received. We must here refer to our advertising columns. THE WORKINGS OF POPERY. The following is the letter referred to in our subsequent article. Rome is at work in the countinghouse, as well as in the Cabinet, with the merchant, no less than the Minister. With one grand object in view, she has been long directing all her artillery upon it. We have yet time, however, through the Divine blessing, either altogether to defeat her, or at least, to lessen the weight of evils she would bring upon us :66 ROMANISM. [PRICE 3d. THE MORNING POST IN ITS BETTER We know of nothing which seems to have made such a wreck of public principle as Popery. Public men, whether as statesmen or theologians, seem no sooner to be brought under the mystic influence of Rome, than a change passes over them. They are not what they were. "One of these gentlemen entered our countinghouse lately, and as I was alone he asked me if I aware of to deprive me of that character, and were a Catholic. Having done nothing that I am always praying for and acknowledging that as my belief every Sunday, I answered him, Yes. He then showed his credentials, gave me a flaming account of the good my subscription would do to the cause, urging that now, if we only acted unanimously, we should, with the aid of the Dissenters, completely paralyze the Church of England. Upon this I said that there was, I believed, a greater difference From the time when Sir Robert Peel, in 1829, between the Dissenters and the Roman Catholic Church than between the Church of England and lent his power to Popery, his own course, and that of that of Rome, and that it would be but poor work other politicians, has been one of more than ordito substitute the Dissenter from the English Church nary tortuosity. To hold one set of principles, and for the English Church itself. He smiled, as if at my ignorance, and replied instantly, advocate measures directly the adverse of them; Only let us upset the Church of England, and we to profess attachment only to betray, and gain conwill soon manage the Dissenters.' I then told him ous. Upon which he asked, in seeming great anger, to give the key with which to open the wards of that I thought such conduct would be very ungener-fidence the better to deceive and ruin; would seem did I talk so, and tell him I was a Catholic? I the involved and perplexed machinery which Sir replied, I was certainly a Catholic, but an English, and not a Romish one, and that for the purpose of Robert has imported amongst us. upsetting a Church his bishops had sworn never to interfere with, and to which I belonged, he certainly should have no money of mine." What took place next I cannot describe, but a minute or two of angry altercation finished our interview. Now, let me say, I do not feel angry that the Romish priest should call himself a Catholic; but surely he has no right to take offence because I call myself the same. He knew that I was an English and he I know that endeavours are constantly made by the a Romish one. However, as it has happened, and Romish priesthood, and others of their Church, to inculcate the necessity of always so expressing sively Catholic, I trust that you will lend your themselves as to carry the idea that they are exclupowerful aid in thwarting so serious a misrepresentation, and for this purpose I beg to suggest the following cure: "In giving articles of foreign correspondence you of course give translations of that which appears in foreign journals, which are almost entirely written originally by members of the Church of Rome; and in these originals, when contrasting any religion with their own, they carefully say the pretended Reformed Church, the Greek Church, the Protestant, &c., taking care to put in juxtaposition the Catholic for the Romish Church, thus conveying the impression on the minds of general readers that no other Church than their own is Catholic. Might I suggest, that when giving news or extracts of the above description you made the contrasts thus :-The Greek and Romish Churches, the Catholics of the former Church insist, &c., &c.; the Catholics of the Church of England, as compared with those of the Church of Rome, &c.; the Irish, English, or French Romish Catholics; the English Catholics granted complete emancipation to Men seem now to be in the position described by one of the celebrated historians of antiquity, when comparing the public mind of Rome in the degenerate days of the Republic, with the honour, nobility, and glory which adorned her under the earlier portion of her Republican existence. Such, unhappily, is the state of too many who should now prove bright examples of public spirit, and Christian benevolence, as honest in public matters as they are in private life. "Aliud promptum in linguâ, aliud clausum in pectore habere," was the description given of the degenerate Romans. And thus, with us, the tongue and the heart speak no more the same language. The word conserve, now signifies to destroy. Words seem almost to have lost their meaning. The work of destruction is carried on under the banners of Conservatism. The severest blows have been inflicted on Protection by Protectionists on Protes tantism by Protestants: and on Liberty by the Liberals,-who by uniting with Popery are aiding system beneath which civil and religious liberty wither and expire. Papers, parties, and polit cians, one by one, seem to have fallen before Popery, and best to be serving the cause of the enemy by professing an undeviatin attachment to the cause they are secretly undermining The Morning Post, which now rejoices peculiarly in advocating a Romish policy, was once wisely and strenuously pursuing an opposite course. Through the kindness of an Hon. Baronet we are enabled to remind it of its better days. In the number for November 20, 1839, is the following: "It is the fashion with persons who are very indifferent about religion, to treat with ridicule the warnings of those whose observation has made them alive to the present ambitious projects of the Papists in this country. The matter is, however, now becoming too serious and palpable to be shuffled off, or merely smiled at, as an incredible story. It seems tolerably clear that the Protestants of Great Britain must have another struggle with Popery, and its lust of dominion. The cunning foe has been a long time working in secret,-it now imagines itself strong enough to advance more boldly into the light; but we doubt not that there is enough of the old spirit of Protestantism left in the land to defeat Popery and all its wiles, although the Government is ready enough to betray the Protestant citadel with the keeping of which it is entrusted, and willing enough to inflict heavy blows and great discouragement upon Protest antism.' "We request the particular attention of our readers to a letter which will be found in another column, under the head of Romanism.' This is no epistolary fable, got up for the sake of writing a 'moral' in reference to its story. The letter is genuine, and the writer has given us his name, though for obvious reasons we have not appended it to his communication. It is a simple statement of facts. Shall it be said that it is a matter of slight import when a Romish priest goes to a merchant of London, and, under the misapprehension that he is addressing a Romanist, urges pecuniary aid, on the ground that now is the time for an exertion to put down the Church of England? Is it not worthy of attention that the Romanist priests themselves proclaim their confidence that within the next half century they will extirpate Protestantism from this country? "Many persons are accustomed to rely upon the Dissenters as a sure bulwark against Popery, and obstinately to continue in that opinion, though the political league existing between the Romanists and Dissenters is as notorious as it is disgraceful to the character of both. Our correspondent tells us plainly enough, however, what the Romanist ecclesiastic who applied to him thinks upon the subject; and we are well aware that it is the general feeling of Romanists:"Only let us upset the Church of England, and we will soon manage the Dissenters." This is the expectation and confident opinion of every ambitious Romanist. For the Dissenters, and their random preachers and teachers, they have the most utter contempt. They pretend a sort of respect for them at present, because they want to make use of them against the Church of England; but it belongs to the genius and character of Romanism to despise the sort of chance-medley, patchwork parody on ecclesiastical authority and office which the Dissenters exhibit. No doubt if the Church of England were out of the way, with its apostolical authority, its ecclesiastical polity, its regulated orders, and its systematic learning, the Romanists would make short work with the Dissenters. They would soon feel the force of Romanist "liberality"! They would soon find that "toleration," which now, in all the pride of paradox, they denounce as "implying intolerance," was practically worth having, and being thankful for. "The whole detail of our Correspondent's inter. view with the Romish priest is of great interest, and so well recounted that our readers will, we are sure, thank us for directing their attention to it. "As to the caution respecting the use of terms which our Correspondent gives us, we shall attend to it as far as may be practicable; and we may say for ourselves that we are already careful in our own writings upon the subject of Romanists and Romanist policy not to use the term "Catholic," which is the rightful appellation of our own Church. With respect to articles from foreign papers, they are used with such haste, after coming to our hands, "I am quite aware that the dominion of the Church of Rome is, in theory, quite as extensive as in the days of Innocent III.; but I repeat, that I cannot comprehend how any reasonable man can seriously feel alarm lest, in the nineteenth century, a Pope of Rome should either 'absolve the subjects of our Queen from their allegiance!' or physically 'extirpate the Protestant race!'" We always object to refer to the individual Pontiff to know what Popery is, or as an index to what Popery can do ;-it is with the system we are concerned. Looking at the Pope as a person, he may be powerless. Regarding the Queen of England, or the King of the French, as persons, they too may be comparatively powerless. China and India would not yield homage to Queen Victoria, were it not for the power of the British nation, of which she is the Sovereign. Nor would Africa and Otaheite acknowledge the supremacy of Louis-Philip, were not the people of France ready to obey the power and uphold the dominion of their King. We deal not, then, with the power of the individual Pope, King, or Queen, as with one person; but we treat of France-of Great Britain-and Popery. Power, to a very great extent, rests upon opinion. Physical force may subdue, and hold in subjection for a while; but in all free countries public opinion will be powerful. In some Romish countries, public opinion, or the prepossession of the majority, is so strongly in favour of Popery, that he would endanger his life who would publicly expose the errors of that system, before a people blinded by its corruptions, and led by its principles to believe good service done to the cause of religion, by injuring the property, or taking away the life of those who would proclaim the truth. Popery thus possesses a terrific power in Spain, more so, than the children of this country have been taught the reverse. And if there be any truth in the assertion that the hand of education moulds the future man, can we wonder that Romish Ireland should develop the results which we have so repeatedly to deplore? Sir Edward proceeds:— "These are the two points to which I adverted. I stated that for upwards of 600 years there had been no practical exercise of this power and I pointed out a strictly analogous case, viz., the assumption of the titular sovereignty of France by the sovereigns of Kings of England have ever been styled sovereigns England. From the reign of Henry the Fifth, the of France, and have emblazoned the royal arms of that country in their escutcheon; but did ever any Frenchman for one moment imagine, that the retention of that empty title could ever authorize the exercise of any authority within the realm of France?" These cases are not strictly analogous, though they may at first sight seem much alike. There is a striking and an essential difference. It is this. England did not with the retention of the title « Sovereign of France," retain also a standing army there: England had not her officers in every fort, and her garrison in every town. This the His archbishops, Pope has in Great Britain. bishops, deans, colleges, guilds, monasteries, confra. ternities, priests, &c., what are they but the garrisons, emissaries, or subjects of a foreign power,— part of a system foreign to this State-unfriendly to its interests-seeking the destruction of its religion and its institutions! What is the centre to which Roman Catholics look? Round which they move? It is Rome. The mandates of the Vatican are to the Roman Catholics throughout the world, what the mandates from the Horse Guards or St. James's are to the Protestant subjects of the British empire. A LETTER ADDRESSED TO A PERSON WHO HAD NEWLY EMBRACED POPERY. Sir,-One who is deeply concerned for your soul, and accordingly is most anxious that you should be kept from being drawn down into that awful gulf of error, within the gyrations of which you have offer you, in mach humility and Christian love, seemed to some to be bringing yourself, ventures to the following questions for your grave consideration: 1. Can that be the true Church which sanctions the bowing down to images, when the word of God expressly says, "Thou shalt not bow down to them, nor worship them?" (Exod. xx. 5.) 2. Can that be a true Church which admits of prayers to creatures, when that word says, "Thou Portugal, Italy, Belgium, Ireland. In vain shall shalt worship the Lord thy God, and him only shalt our law seek to punish the criminal, if he has a whole people taught to regard him as a martyr, and sympathize with him in his punishment. The tone of public feeling, which here is in favour of the Queen's laws, is amongst Roman Catholics in parts of Ireland enlisted in the cause of Popery. thou serve?" (Matt. iv. 10. See Rev. xxii. 8, 9.) 3. Can that be a true Church, the ministers of which pretend to offer propitiatory sacrifices for sin, when that same word says, that Christ "by his own blood entered in once into the holy place, having obtained eternal redemption for us,"-that now once in the end of the world, hath he ap 66 The question with them-nay, no longer a ques-peared, to put away sin by the sacrifice of himself,”— tion,-the conviction on their minds has been, that "Christ was once offered to bear the sins of that Protestants are heretics-Englishmen inmany," that "by the will (of God) we are sanctruders-and the Queen an usurper. They have been as much taught this, and much Christ, ONCE FOR ALL," that "this man, after tified, through the offering of the body of Jesus he had offered ONE sacrifice for sins, for ever sat * This letter is given in a preceding column. down on the right hand of God,"-that "by ONE offering he hath PERFECTED FOR EVER them that are sanctified,"-and that "there is NO MORE SACRIFICE FOR SIN?" (See Heb. ix. and x.) 4. Can that be a true Church which denies the cup in the Lord's Supper to the laity, when Christ himself says, "Drink ye all of it?" and his apostle, "For as oft as ye eat this bread, and drink this cup, ye do show the Lord's death, till he come?" (1 Cor. xi. 26.) 5. Can that be a true Church which prohibits marriage to Christ's ministers, when the word of God declares, that "marriage is honourable in ALL?" (Heb. xiii. 4,) and informs us that Peter himself, whom the Church of Rome, with strange inconsistency, accounts her patron and founder, was a married man?" Sir, it were easy to extend these interrogatories; but I forbear; commending them to your very grave and prayerful.consideration in the sight of Him to whom you are responsible for the proper exercise of your reason in the search of truth. The question is asked by Romanists,-Where was the Church of Protestants before the time of Luther? To this question we might reply,—It was among those faithful Christians both in Asia and Europe, who have all along remained separate from Rome, such as the Christians of St. Thomas, on the coast of Malabar; those among the mountains of Armenia and Central Asia; and the noble Waldenses of the valleys of the Alps. But, wherever it was, it was not, most assuredly, among such as hold tenets so decidedly anti-scriptural as those I have specified. Oh! Sir, be entreated by one who desires your happiness, temporal and spiritual, to search the Scriptures," with earnest prayer for Divine illumination. It is by them we are to be judged at the last day; and they are the sole test and criterion of religious truth. "To the law and to the testimony," &c. (Isaiah viii. 20.) "The law of the Lord is perfect, converting the soul: the testimony of the Lord is sure, making wise the simple." (Psalm xix. 7; comp. 1 Tim. iii. 15—17.) 66 If you attend to that unerring directory, you will keep at the greatest possible distance from a system so plainly delineated in that awful passage, 2 Thess. ii. 3-10. You will shun, as you would destruction itself, all tampering and sympathy with a Church, with respect to which we have this further warning," Come out of her, my people, that ye be not partakers of her sins, and that ye receive not of her plagues." (See the whole chapter, Rev. xviii.; as also that awful passage, Rev. xiv. 9-11.) Earnestly beseeching God to give you his Holy Spirit to guide you into all truth, and keep you stedfast therein, I am, believe me, Your most anxious and sincere well-wisher, THE WRITER. The Rev. Mr. O'Donnell and Rev. Mr. O'Malley were summoned to Castlebar petty sessions for breaking into the store of the Turlough Relief Committee, and forcibly taking thereout a quantity of meal belonging to the Committee. The magistrates acquitted them of the felony, but pronounced their violent conduct to be exceedingly improper and unjustifiable.-Waterford Mail. EXTRACTS FROM CORRESPONDENCE. THE SENTIMENTS OF THE EMPEROR NICHOLAS I. ON BRIBERY AND CORRUPTION.-POPERY DENOUNCED BY SCRIP TURE. TO THE EDITOR OF THE PROTESTANT ELECTOR. Sir,-While reading the "Heads for Prayer" inserted in No. 2 of the Protestant Elector, it oc curred to me as being desirable to make the following addition to them, viz.: That every voter may be preserved from all dishonesty in the exercise of the franchise, and that no candidate may disgrace himself by endeavouring, either directly or indirectly, to obtain a vote, except by perfectly lawful and honourable means. that the candidate should stand alone on his personal Surely, Sir, common sense and reason require, merits and qualifications, and the general course of policy he means to pursue; and that the elector should be influenced solely by the opinion he has conscientiously formed of the candidate's fitness. Certainly, no man is fit to be a lawgiver who assails the foundations of all law, and all obedience to law, viz., truth, and uprightness, and integrity; which every candidate does, who, in the smallest degree, countenances bribery, corruption, and undue influence. And, certainly, no man is worthy to choose a lawgiver who holds and disposes of his vote as an article of traffic and gain. Surely, to say nothing of perjury, such candidates and electors, whoever they may be, are a disgrace to their country, and should be discountenanced, yea, even frowned upon, by every upright and honourable man. Perhaps, Sir, it may neither be unreasonable nor unserviceable to bring, at present, under the eye of the British public, the sentiments of the reigning Emperor of Russia on the subject of bribery and corruption. They were suggested by what he himself personally observed while he executed the delegated sovereignty of Poland, and are recorded in the Marquis De Custine's Empire of the Czar. Speaking of what he calls representative monarchy, the Emperor says," It is the Government been a representative Sovereign, and the world of lies, fraud, and corruption. I have knows what it has cost me not to have been willing to submit to the exigencies of this infamous Government. To buy votes, to corrupt consciences, to seduce some in order to deceive others,-all these means I disdained, as degrading those who obey as much as those who command; and I have dearly paid the penalty of my straightforwardness; but, God be praised, I have done for ever with this detestable political machine." I add no comment on this, but entreat every elector who has yet to vote, under whose eye the above extract may fall, to allow it to produce its due effect upon his conscience, as in the sight of God and his country. Having said thus much as to the mode in which the candidate and the elector should discharge their reSpective duties, I shall add a few words as to the great object which both candidates and voters ought to keep constantly in view at the general election. of the Romish priesthood by our Protestant State, an object which bears on its face the stamp of the grossest inconsistency, and of what is far worse, the most criminal treachery to the country. This great object is the contemplated endowment Certainly no Protestant elector can consistently vote for a candidate who refuses to declare himself opposed to the endowment of the Popish clergy. Nor can any elector, whether Protestant or not, do so without incurring the displeasure of that great Being whom it is man's primary interest to please and to honour. He himself has in his word plainly and unequivocally made known the characteristic marks of the great apostate Church, which marks all apply to the Church of Rome, and to no other constituted or organized ecclesiastical community whatsoever. No elector will, hereafter, be able to plead ignorance as to the truth of the above statements, in extenuation for having given his vote in favour of a Popery-endowing candidate; since he may in a few hours satisfy himself as to their truth by personal examination. (Vide Daniel vii.; Revelations xiii. and xviii., inclusive.) As, however, some electors may find it inconvenient to enter on such examination, I shall select for their satisfaction a few of those prophetic indications which irresistibly demon strate the Romish Church to be the apostate Church foretold by Daniel and St. John, and which will be found embodied in the following questions and answers: I. Question. To what politico ecclesiastical power, in respect to the vast extent of its dominion, authority, and influence, is the following prophetical language of Scripture applicable? Speaking of the emblematical beast, St. John says, "Power was given him over all kindred, and tongues, and nations; and all that dwell upon the earth shall worship him," with the exBook of Life, which all history and experience .ception of those whose names were written in the shews have hitherto constituted a small minority. Now the question is, to what politico-ecclesiastical power is the above-cited prophetical language of the Apostle John applicable? Answer. To the Church of Rome, unquestionably, whatsover. and to no other politico-ecclesiastical community II. Q. What politico-ecclesiastical power has been upheld and maintained by ten of the kingdoms of the earth, as foretold by Daniel and St. John? A. Most certainly none but the power of the Romish Church, and this Church has been so supported and maintained. III. Q. What Church stands conspicuous in history for its murderous hostility against the true disciples of Christ, so as to justify the application to her of the following prophecy, "And in her was found the blood of prophets and saints, and all [of such] that were slain upon the earth," with immensely more truth than to any other organized ecclesiastical community? A. Certainly it is the Church of Rome, which alone can claim that dreadful pre-eminence. As an arch persecutor of the true disciples of Christ, she shares as Papal Rome in the guilt of Pagan Rome, which, although on diverse assigned grounds, took the lead in those dreadfully criminal persecutions; so that, looking at Rome in this two-fold aspect, the prophecy might be regarded not merely as conspicuously but as literally verified. IV. What is that politico-ecclesiastical power, which according to prophecy, has continued to exercise despotic authority over the nations for more than twelve hundred years? A. Rome unquestionably is that power, and she herself feels no desire to dispute her antiquity; and true indeed it is, that no organized ecclesiastical community can pretend to any such duration of authority as she, but the duration of her power is one of the most remarkable demonstrations at once of the inspiration of the Scriptures, and of the fact of the Church of Rome being the Apostate Church foretold by prophecy. Her present struggle to recover the authority she has lost, and to re-establish her dominion over the nations of the earth, we are warranted by Scripture prophecy, and that great interpreter of prophecy, history, to expect will prove the struggle which will immediately precede her dissolution. But this struggle and the tyrannical use she may be expected to make of the measure of power recovered during the comparatively short remainder of her limited reign of 1260 years may involve many nations in great misery, and expose the faithful servants of every man, every Christian mau especially, be exChrist to severe, if not deadly, persecution. Let pectantly and vigilantly awake to the events which are nearly approaching, and make the best possible use of all the means which he can now command to guard against the dangers, and to check the violence, if not to shorten the duration, of the coming conflict. Let parents consider that although the more calamitous results of the struggles may not occur in their own time, it becomes them to have due regard to the safety and privileges of their descendants. Let them, especially, act as Christians and patriots, as including all valuable interests, and the interests of all, in their view. If they pursue this course they will not cease to oppose the advances of Popery with all their power, and all measures the tendency of which would facilitate such advances, and all those men who are disposed to favour such measures. And it is only by so doing that we can expect, under Providence, to save the first kingdom in the world from degradation, disgrace, and ruin, and preserve what is pure in it of religion, what is dignified in virtue, what is estimable in liberty; in short, all that is calculated to make life happy, death triumphant, and futurity glorious. Norwood. H. G ELECTION INTELLIGENCE. MR. MASTERMAN. About a quarter past one o'clock Lord John Russell made his appearance on the hustings, accompanied by Mr. Pattison, Baron Rothschild, and Sir G. Larpent. They were greeted with the most enthusiastic cheering, which continued for several minutes. Mr. Alderman CHALLIS then announced the numbers to be, for Russell Pattison Rothschild Masterman Larpent Bevan Johnson Freshfield 7137 7030 6792 6722 6719 5268 5069 4704 Lord John Russell, Mr. Pattison, Baron Rothschild, and Mr. Masterman, were then declared duly elected. proclaiming at once the completion of the great social edifice of civil, of commercial, and of religious freedom. (Immense cheering.) Gentlemen, I said in the early part of my address that I had to thank you for the large and liberal confidence with which you had intrusted me, a minister of the Crown, with the duties of your representative. I consider that it would be inconsistent with that confidence-that it would be inconsistent with those duties, if I now attempted to sketch to you what may be my course in the ensuing Parliament. (Cheers.) So long as I think my advice to the Sovereign may benefit the people of this United Kingdom, I shall endeavour to discharge my duty to the best of my power and ability. (Cheers.) If I conccive myself unable to remain with advantage to the country in the councils of the Sovereign, I shall cheerfully tender my resignation of that office. But of this you may be assured, that so long as I continue your representative I shall endeavour to act upon those great principles which are so intimately connected with the freedom and happiness of the country of which I have hitherto been the advocate. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, questions arise in the performance of the duty of a Minister of the Crown, which at the moment are often embar rassing, the decision of which may at first sight appear to be inconsistent with the principles which that minister may have adopted. But, gentlemen, I must again upon this subject request you to continue your forbearance and indulgence. (Cheers.) With respect to many questions it has been my fate, finding that the interests of the country required the adop tion of a different course from that which I had hitherto pursued, to change that course, and declare the alteration of my opinions; but with regard to the general tenor of my conduct I cannot say that any change has taken place. With respect to the general principles which influence my political conduct my opinions are very much the same as those which I held some five-and-twenty years ago, when I first proposed to the Commons House of Parlia ment a reform of that House, and an improvement of the representation of the people. (Loud cheers.) My belief is that a reformed Parliament represents, more correctly than any of the old borough Parliaments ever did, the opinions of the people; that that reformed Parliament is of itself, to use the expression of some of those to whom I am opposed, a more Conservative institution than those old borough Parliaments. (Cheers.) I believe that the institutions of this country are far safer when the House of Commons reflects faithfully the opinions of the people. I trust that the ensuing Parliament may do so; and I now take my leave of you again, returning you my grateful thanks, and tendering the expression of my most ardent wishes for the prosperity, the liberty, and the continued welfare of this great and important city. (Loud and long continued cheering.) effect great principles in the mode in which it may | Parliament will have the glory of establishing and alone seem practicable, and conforming in every CITY OF LONDON. THE DECLARATION.-RETURN OF detail to that which may be the opinion of the moment, I have to thank you for acting with forThe Sheriffs opened the poll-books at eight bearance, with indulgence, with generous confidence o'clock on Friday morning, and proceeded to cast to one who, however unworthy he might be of that up the lists. They were occupied in this duty until confidence, was still doing what he conscientiously nearly one o'clock. Long before that hour an im- thought to be his duty. (Loud cheers.) In mense number of persons assembled in the hall, that respect, gentlemen, this election has been, which at length became excessively crowded, prin- in my person, a great triumph for the civil cipally by the friends of the successful candidates. liberties of this country. (Cheers.) In other Lady Russell, who entered the gallery about half-respects it has been a great triumph for the compast twelve, was recognised by the crowd, and re-mercial liberties of this country; for although, genceived with much applause. tlemen, with great personal respect and regard, during the years in which I have been his colleague -with the great respect and regard I bear Mr. Masterman, I confess I am much disappointed in the fourth return at this election. (Cheers.) Still, gentlemen, I think, considering what happened in the year 1841-considering the votes which were given during the past year by Mr. Masterman-considering what has happened in that interval-it is a great triumph for the principles of commercial liberty to witness the return which has now been made. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, I am glad to say that all the great statesmen of this day believe that with the progress of commercial freedom is linked the progress of this country in wealth and in happiness. I believe that those principles of which we have been the advocates are the true principles (cheers), and I cannot expect to find any reaction upon this subject. I expect that the Parliament which is about to be elected will confirm those laws which were enacted in the session of 1846, doing away with the duties upon corn (cheers); doing away with the differential duties upon sugar (cheers); and at last allowing the people of this country all the advantages which are to be obtained from fair competition with other nations of the world. (Cheers.) And, gentlemen, can any of us doubt, here, in the midst of this vast metropolis-in the midst of a metropolis which has arisen to a size, a wealth, and a prosperity, which, I believe, to be unexampled in the history of the globe,-can any one doubt that in that competition with other nations(a slight interruption was here occasioned by the appearance of Mr. Masterman)-can any one doubt that this great country, of the commerce and wealth of which this metropolis is a sign and a symbol, will be able to equal, to surpass, perhaps to distance the other nations of the globe in that race of fair competition. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, in his absence I have expressed my personal regard for Mr. Masterman. Let me add here, that in the great contest of last year—in the attempt, the successful attempt, to free corn and bread from those heavy and injurious duties which had been imposed upon them-Mr. Masterman was one of those Members who voted for the repeal of those duties. (Cheers.) Such, gentlemen, is the progress which, in the course of the last six years, we have made in that great question of commercial freedom. (Cheers.) And now, gentlemen, I touch upon another point of the present return, which is no less a triumph-a triumph for the principles of religious liberty. (Great cheering.) Gentlemen, I am happy to say, that although that progress has not been so quickalthough the progress of the nation in the principles of religious freedom has not been so rapid as that to which I have just adverted-yet if we look back some forty years, and consider that then religious intolerance was in its prime and in its vigour (hear, hear)-that in the guise of "No Popery," it raised a cry-a powerful and predominant cryagainst those who differed from us upon religious subjects-(hear, hear)—yet that the day has now come, when-the disabilities which affected the Protestant Dissenters, and also the disabilities which affected the Roman Catholics, having been removed-I say the day has now come when you have declared, by the election of Baron Rothschild (tremendous cheering), that the last vestiges of religious intolerance must be removed (continued cheers), and that hereafter the privileges of the free people of this United Kingdom-the privilege to serve the Crown, the privilege to represent the people in Parliament-are to be enjoyed by all classes of Her Majesty's subjects, without distinction of religious persuasion. (Renewed cheering.) Can you doubt, gentlemen, that such a decision on the part of the electors of the City of London will have its weight, its great weight, I should say its prevailing weight, in the deliberations of Parliament, and that the next as Lord JOHN RUSSELL, who was received with loud aud long-continued cheering, addressed the assembly to the following effect:-Gentlemen,-I venture to address you for a few minutes, to return you my thanks for the honour you have done me, not only in again returning me to Parliament as Member for the City of London, but likewise for the eminent distinction you have conferred upon me in placing me at the head of the poll. (Cheers.) And, gentlemen, I consider that your so acting is a great triumph of the principles of the Reform Act; for, gentlemen, it was said, when that Act was under discussion, that it was impossible for any one to be concerned in carrying on the Government of this great empire, and at the same time retain the confidence of a large and popular body of constituents. (Hear, hear.) And, gentlemen, it was admitted that it was not possible for such an election to take place, together with such a system of government was useful for the country's interest, unless the Member who was thus concerned in the administration of affairs was ready to brave temporary unpopularity on particular questions, and never to shrink from his principles while he thought he saw clearly the path of public interest before him. (Cheers.) Neither was it possible, gentlemen, if constituents, making no allowance for the difficulties of Government,-making no allow auces for transient differences of opinion, should have insisted that upon all questions their Members should represent their own opinions, and should give effect to those opinions upon every particular vote that might have to be given in the Commons House of Parliament. But, gentlemen, I trust that we may all of us say,-1, on my part, as your Member-you, on your part, as electors of this great City,-that we have not shrunk from that part of the duty which belongs to each of us upon these great questions. (Cheers.) I trust I may say that I have carried on the business of Parliament, whether out of office as a member of what was called "the Opposition," but which was not in fact in opposition (hear, hear), or whether I was concerned in the government of the country, I trust I have not shrunk from doing what I considered to be my duty. (Cheers.) Whether I was right in the various opinions which I formed, or whether I was mistaken in my judgment upon particular questions, I trust that no base desire to preserve a seat in Parliament contrary to the dictates of my conscience,-no fear of shrinking from temporary unpopularity, has guided my course while I have been your representative. (Cheers.) I have only to return you my hearty and grateful thanks, not presuming that the more than 7,000 electors who have recorded their votes for me express their entire approbation of all parts of my conduct; but I have to thank you that, seeing the exigences of the Government,-seeing what a difference there is, and necessarily must be, between carrying into Mr. PATTISON offered the electors his grateful thanks for having placed him in the proud position of one of their representatives for the fifth time. (Loud cheers.) The kindness which he had experienced he could only attribute to the firm deter. mination with which he had always acted in accord ance with his professions. Baron ROTHSCHILD, who experienced a most enthusiastic reception, sincerely thanked the elec tors for the honour which they had conferred upon him in selecting him as one of their representatives, and declared his entire inability to express his admiration of their efforts in favour of the cause of civil and religious liberty. (Cheers.) The victory which they had achieved on this occasion would find an echo in every corner of the world; and the heart of every man in those countries where oppression and tyranny still existed, would offer up its daily prayer of thankfulness for the noble example which the citizens of London had set to other parts of the empire. (Cheers.) After the kind remarks of the Noble Lord, he would not do more than thank the electors for the many favours which he had received, except to assure them that he would continue to advocate those political opinions in favour of universal freedom which he had always avowed, and to express a hope that his future conduct would merit their approbation. (Loud cheers.) Mr. MASTERMAN then presented himself, but was unable to obtain a hearing, in consequence of the uproar created by the advocates of "Liberal" principles. We understood him to express his sincere thanks to his supporters, and to assure them that his best energies would continue to be devoted to the promotion of their interests and that of the country generally. Sir GEORGE LARPENT said, it would be affecta tion in him to say that he did not feel deeply mortified at the result of the poll. When he entered the hall he was fully prepared to return thanks as one of the Members for the City of London, particularly as the decision of the Conservative Committee, as well as that of his own, gave him the majority; and it was not until within the last few minutes that he was aware he was not to be returned. He did not for a moment suppose that the honourable gentlemen near him (the sheriffs) had in any shape or way led to this result; and it was still quite possible, seeing that there was only a majority of three against him, that he might occupy the position to which he aspired. (Cheers.) It would be his duty to consult those friends, on whose judgment he could rely, before submitting to a return so contrary to the usual practice, and so contrary to the result of all former elections. (Cheers.) He was extremely happy to find that an individual so comparatively unknown in the City had received such an immense amount of support; and congratulated the Noble Lord on the verdict which had been given in his favour by placing him at the head of the poll. (Cheers.) Mr. FRESHFIELD, amidst great uproar, expressed his deep gratitude to the large body of electors who had tendered him their support. Mr. Alderman JOHNSON, who was received in the most uncourteous manner, said,-Gentlemen, the purpose for which I have the honour now to appear is simply to express my grateful thanks to you who supported me in my canvass. But I cannot take my departure from this platform without expressing my regret that the powerful interests of a Prime Minister and a Rothschild should have been combined to bring about so unfortunate a result in this election as to make it imperative upon us, at no distant period, to be again involved in another political conflict, by reason of the disability which the Noble Baron labours under in the present state of the law. The authentic declaration of the poll will be officially made at two o'clock to-day. WESTMINSTER.-The official declaration of the state of the poll for this city was made on Friday at two o'clock, from the hustings at Covent-garden. A few minutes before the hour Sir De Lacy Evans, Mr. Lushington, and Mr. Cochrane, and their several supporters, appeared on the hustings, and were variously greeted by the thousands assembled on the occasion. Lord Mandeville did not appear. The High Sheriff, on coming forward, said it was his duty, as returning officer, to declare the result of the struggle that had taken place in Westminster. The result was as follows: Votes for Sir De Lacy Evans 3139 (cheers) Votes for Lord Mandeville 1985 It was consequently his duty to declare Sir De Lacy Evans and Mr. Lushington duly elected for the borough and city of Westminster. (Cheers, hootings, and uproar.) TOWER HAMLETS.-The polling commenced at eight o'clock on Friday morning, and the friends of the various candidates used every exertion on their behalf during the day. Mr. George Thompson took the lead at the first moment, and kept it throughout by large majorities. Sir W. Clay was second on the list. At the close the following statement of the numbers was issued: BY MR. THOMPSON'S COMMITTEE. 7513 STATEMENT OF SIR W. CLAY'S COMMITTE. Majority for Thompson over Clay 66 66 over Fox Majority of Clay over Fox .. 3774 2718 6022 2248 3304 1056 At the close of the poll a vast multitude of persons had collected in front of the hustings, in expectation of hearing the numbers officially declared; but the High Constable announced that the official declaration would not be made until Saturday at one o'clock, at which time the result of the poll was officially announced from the hustings at Stepneygreen, by Mr. Henry Child, the returning officer. The numbers were :- For Mr. George Thompson For Major-General Fox 6268 3839 2622 Mr. Thompson and Sir William Clay were declared duly elected to serve in Parliament. LAMBETH.-The final close of the poll at four o'clock on Friday, as stated, was:C. Pearson, Esq. 4595 Right Hon. C. T. D'Eyncourt 3662 Benjamin Hawes, jun., Esq. 3338 SOUTHWARK. The election for this borough took place in the Town Hall yesterday, at twelve o'clock. The late Members, Mr. Alderman Humphery and Sir W. Molesworth, who are the only candidates, arrived at the appointed hour, and the High Bailiff opened the proceedings of the day by requesting an impartial hearing for every candidate. No other candidate appearing, The High Bailiff declared John Humphery, Esq., and Sir William Molesworth duly elected, amidst great applause. ABINGDON.-At nine o'clock on Friday morning, the Mayor unsealed the polling books, and the votes were cast up by the Town Clerk; after which the Mayor announced the numbers to be, for Among those who voted for the several candidates were : FOR MR. GOULBURN AND Mr. Lefevre.-Hon. W. C., T. C. W., and A. R. Spring Rice; Prof. Smythe, Dr. Peacock, Dr. Lamb, Dr. Walmisley, Prof. Pryme, Hon. W. H. Lyttleton, Lord Wriothesley Russell, Hon. L. W. Denman, Sir E. H. G. Williams, D. De la Pryme, Esq., Sir E. H. K. Lacon, Dr. C. Musgrave, Sir James Parke, A. J. B. Hope, Esq., Dr. Geldart, Hon. A. F. Phipps, Lord C. Hervey, Lord Ernest Bruce. FOR MR. LAW AND LORD FIELDING.-Prof. Lee, Prof. Scholefield, Hon. W. T. Law, Sir N. Chinnery, Dr. C. Wordsworth, Sir E. F. Bromhead, Captain H. Lowther, Dr. Rankins, Sir F. W. Heygate, Captain A. Lowther, Rev. C. C. B. Pownall, Lord Burleigh, Hon. W. H. W. Hodges, Rev. Lord George Gordon. FOR LORD FIELDING AND MR. LEFEVRE.-Hon. and Rev. Baptist Noel. FOR MR. LEFEVRE.-Revs. W. G. and C. Townley, Hon. C. E. Pepys, Hon. D. L. Astley, R. G. Townley, Esq., Sir E. G. C. East, Sir W. B. Ffolkes, &c. FOR MR. GOULBURN.-Lord A. Hervey, Hon. and Rev. H. R. Yorke, Sir Herbert Jenner Fust, Hon. C. C. Neville, Dr. Hollingworth, Master of Magdalen, Master of Pembroke. FOR MR. LAW AND MR. GOULBURN.-Hon. R. Clive, Master of Peterhouse, Dr. Paget, Dr. Banks, Viscount Alford. FOR MR. LAW.-Lord George Manners, Master of Caius, Viscount Pollington, Viscount Clive. FOR LORD FEILDING.-Dr. Chatfield, Sir Edwin Pearson, &c. SATURDAY NIGHT.-The contest has become a great deal closer than was at first anticipated. The |