REVIEW.

The Sin of England, and the Duty of British Christians; or, Twelve Letters on the Maynooth Bill. By the Rev. T. R. BIRKS, Rector of Kelshall, Herts. London: Published for the Protestant Association, by W. H. Dalton, 28, Cockspur-street, Charingcross. 18mo., pp. 102.

tainted with ungodliness-and leading to ruin.
The arguments will still apply to the contem-
plated further endowment of Popery, and renewed
diplomatic relationship with Rome.

Mr. Birks observes :

time of the patriarchs and the prophets, and for
many ages of the Christian Church, but which has
found many pious and zealous advocates in modern
times. Its chief maxim is the expediency of non-
interference, on the part of the State, with the truths
of religion. However inferior, as an abstract theory,
difficulties which attend it in practice, and which,
to the former alternative, it seems to escape from the
in many circumstances, may appear quite insuper-

able.

"There is a third alternative, distinct from both These letters first appeared in the Record, and of these, which a nation may adopt for the basis of were re-published in a separate form by the Pro- its own policy. It may be summed up in two phrases, State ignorance, and State interference. testant Association, at the desire of many friends. Unlike the first, it rejects the notion, as wild and Their object was to deepen and confirm the minds of fanatical, that statesmen can or may lawfully discriminate, in their public capacity, between truth those Christians who had already protested against and falsehood, the Gospel of Christ and dangerous the late measure for endowing Popery, as a superstitions. Unlike the second, it still claims for grievous act of national apostasy; to expose, in the State the right of interference with every form of religion held by its own subjects. The maxims it few words, the sophistry of the chief arguments puts into the mouth of rulers are of the following urged in its favour, and to remind all true Protest-nature: We are blind, willingly blind, in all quesants in the land, of their common obligations to in- tions of religion. We cannot and will not pretend to see any difference between light and darkness, crease and redouble their efforts against the growing between pure worship and idolatry, the Gospel of evil. They were re-published in the hope that, Christ and the inventions of men. Such questions under the blessing of God, they might add one them, too ignorant to care for them; too divided do not suit our taste; we are too busy to attend to voice to the witness raised by many sincere and among ourselves to form any just decision. We thoughtful Christians, against a national policy, difference between creed and creed. All exist, and count it even a clear injustice to make any public therefore all must be presumed equally useful. We have opinions and preferences of our own; but with these, as statesmen, we have nothing to do. Our religion is a fireside luxury and private amusement; we count it fanatical to honour God, or to care for his truth, in the conduct of public affairs. But though we openly care for no creed, we are resolved that we will meddle with all. We have no love for God's truth, and no fondness even for the error that opposes it; but we have a deep-seated love of power; we are fond of using, if possible, the priests of every creed as the tools of our policy. We care not whether the doctrines we support are wholesome or ruinous, pleasing to the God of heaven, or an abomination that he has condemned. The vulgar, if they please, may account all of them equally true; the philosopher all equally false; it is enough for our purpose that we can make all of them equally useful. Our scheme of government is simple and complete. Let the priests of every name govern their flocks by religion or superstition, we care not which; we will govern the priests themselves by the national purse. The supreme power of money is the only article of national faith that, as statesmen, we are desirous to establish. This is our creed, and on this we will act, though tax-payers may murmur, and bigots may rail against us. We will meddle with everything, we will control everything, though it is our public boast that in matters of religion we are resolved to understand nothing. To manage the priests of every name by providing their salaries, and their flocks by flattering and praising their various superstitions-here is the true secret of government, the highest flight of political wisdom.'

"The first course open to a State, in its religious policy, is THE NATIONAL PROFESSION AND MAINTENANCE OF THE TRUTH. This is the view of national duty which is held by all pious Churchmen, as well as by the great body of Wesleyans, and the Free Church in the north. It was also received and acted upon, without doubt or suspicion, by the whole Church, from Abraham to the birth of our Lord; and since then, by the early Christians, by all the leaders of the Reformation, and by those who fixed the basis of our own Constitution. The difficulties in applying this principle may be great; but the principle itself, in their view, is clear, certain, and of ད་ Divine authority. It rests on arguments which must find a secret response in the heart of the true Christian.

"The first duty of man, by the law of creation, and of the Christian, by the express command of his Lord, is to serve his Maker, and do all things to the glory of God. To fulfil this duty aright, the character of God must be known, the authority of his messages must be owned, his truth received and welcomed, and the commands of his Word heartily obeyed. The command of God to every child of man is, first, to receive His truth for their own salvation; and next, to promote its spread among their fellow-men, as the only way of peace, the true and only secret of solid happiness. This great duty extends plainly to all classes of mankind, and to all the various relations of human life. To claim for any set of men, or for any field of thought and action, exemption from this supreme law, is an act of apostasy from God, and of rebellion against his rightful authority. Every Christian is bound, first, to embrace the truth of God for his own guidance; and then to promote its spread with all his power among his fellow-men. That which is true of private Christians, must be true also of nations and their rulers. These are ministers of God for good to those over whom he has appointed them, and nothing which is divorced from this great object of life is, or can be, truly good in the sight of heaven. Rulers, therefore, in their high office, whether to frame laws for the public good, or to execute them when once enacted, are bound, first of all, to embrace the whole truth of God which bears on the happiness of their subjects, and then to promote its spread with all their influence among the people, as the best and highest boon they can possibly bestow.

He again proceeds thus:— "The second course open for national adoption is one which appears to have been unknown in the

"Such is the last and worst alternative, and that which our Government have now chosen for their own."

Mr. Birks then disposes of the five main argu ments used, often, doubtless, with a real conviction of their strength, by the public advocates of the Bill. It has been urged on grounds

1. Of Conciliation, and

2. Of Precedent;

3. As an act of Restitution, or
4. As an act of Justice, and even

5. As an homage to our common Christianity.

I. THE GROUND OF CONCILIATION.
The most weighty argument for the Bill, in the
view of its promoters, is the plea of CONCILIATION.
I have, therefore, placed it the first, though out of
its natural order. What is unlawful can never be
really useful. If Popery be, as indeed it is, an
apostasy predicted and denounced in God's word, to
endow it from the public funds must bring a curse on
the land, and not a blessing. But we may forsake
this higher ground, and boldly repel the argument in
that lower field of mere expediency, where our

statesmen feel more at home. This plea, which has
beguiled so many to support the measure, ought
really alone to have sealed its condemnation. It
might be said, with far greater truth, that if the
express design had been to deepen and perpetuate
strife, and make conciliation hopeless, no means
object than the late Bill.
could well have been chosen, more suited for the

"When the object is to conciliate two parties, the rules of action are very clear. We must bring into full relief their points of sympathy, and hide, if possible, or bury in silence, those where agreement is hopeless."

were

at utter

"Instead of this, what plan of conciliation has been really adopted? The one only question on which six millions of Irish Romanists and eighteen millions of British Protestants variance, has been singled out, and thrust before the public eye. The deep convictions that lay at the heart of each nation, with many layers of social feeling and sympathy on their surface, have been rudely forced to the light of day, and brought into collision. Here alone, unless Ireland were converted, or England corrupted into Popery, union of feeling was hopeless; the contrast was deep and entire. The creed which one party viewed as the only passport of salvation, all British Protestants the great apostasy of the Christian Babylon." deemed a superstitious corruption, and many of them

II. THE GROUND OF RESTITUTION. "A still higher plea than that of conciliation has styled an act of RESTITUTION. This was the reason alleged by a distinguished Conservative nobleman for his support of the measure, in spite of the loud remonstrance of his own constituents.

been set up in behalf of the late Bill. It has been

"The argument, then, implies, first of all, that the Protestant application of the Irish Church revenues was a public robbery.

"The assertion is most untrue. The only endowment given in Ireland for the Roman Catholic Church-the tithe of agistment-has been since alienated into lay hands. All the rest were either before the subjection of Ireland to the Church of Rome, or directly Protestant, since the Reformation. The Irish clergy also conformed at first to the Reformed worship, and Popery only revived by a foreign mission. If the funds be viewed as national, no nation can be bound to apply them to spread antisocial doctrines or religious falsehoods, when once the true character of these is made known. If they are private bequests, they were to the Church as Christian, not as Papal; as the spouse of Christ, to promote his truth; not as the slave of a foreign bishop, to quench the Gospel, and drown the souls of Christians in grovelling superstition.

"It is equally false to affirm that the present Roman Catholic hierarchy have a claim to represent the early Irish Church, and therefore to recover its funds. This is the second assumption which the argument implies. In the mouth of Roman Catholics it is natural and consistent, since they place the unity and essence of the Church in submission to the see of Rome. But in the lips of a Protestant this admission is an utter folly-a direct surrender and denial of his own faith. It implies clearly, that Popish doctrines are of the essence of the Church, that they define its identity, and are the element on which its unity depends. On the maxims of such reasoners, Gehazi might have boldly claimed the whole fortune of Naaman. 'Restore,' he might say, all the honours and rewards your king gave you for public services, while the leprosy was upon you. I claim these as my own right, for all may see that I am now the leper.""

III. THE GROUND OF JUSTICE. "The late Bill has been further defended as an act of justice.

"The reasoning seems to be of this kind. All subjects, of all creeds, have to pay taxes; all have, therefore, an equal right to have their ministers paid out of those taxes. Roman Catholics are taxed to support a Protestant worship; it is just that Protestants, in their turn, should be taxed for the support of Romish priests.

"This argument, however plausible in sound, on the least reflection must appear utterly worthless. For what does it really assume? That rulers are not men, endowed with reason and conscience, exercising a solemn trust before God for the good of the people; but mere calculating machines, to work easy sums in the rule of three, to receive taxes from the whole nation, and then to disburse them in the support of

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all opinions, true or false, in the ratio of the numbers rejected, and the rest is corrupted into the worship or wealth of those who hold them. In matters of of an idol. They believe in a judgment to come. religion no absurdity seems too gross for Liberal But their doctrine of purgatory, and their masses statesmen; but extend the maxim beyond this field, for the dead, turn it into a mere engine of priestly sacred to delusion, and its folly becomes plain. avarice and ambition. Salvation is made to depend, when any irregularity occurs in the transmission of not on the moral character, or real holiness, the fruit of a lively faith, but on the ceremony of extreme their copies, as arrangements have been made at the unction, and communion maintained to the last with office for the prompt and regular delivery of our an idolatrous body. periodical.

What should we think of a Bill to devote 30,0001. ayear to spread the tracts of the Anti-Corn-law League, and as much more to circulate those of the Agricultural Association? Or of a grant of ten thousand a-year for ten professors of astronomy, half of them pledged to teach the Newtonian, and half of them the Ptolemaic theory; because most of our

peasants still imagine that the sun moves and the earth is at rest! Surely it would be the height of folly to call such conduct an act of political justice."

IV. THE GROUND OF OUR COMMON CHRISTIANITY.

"There is another defence of the Bill, far more plausible than the appeal to justice. This fourth plea is, our common Christianity, and the mixture of

truth and error natural to all endowments.

"Of all the lines of defence this combines the greatest appearance of solidity and truth.

"There was no practical ground of common Christianity. Let us only trace this in its details, and the argument will be complete.

"There is, then, as most British Protestants see clearly, both among the English and Scotch Churches. the late secession in the north, the Wesleyans in the south, and the Orthodox Dissenters, a common Christianity, far deeper in realty than in actual appearance. They all accept the Scriptures as the standard of their faith; and believe that we may neither add to it, nor diminish therefrom. They urge the circulation of those Scriptures among the people, that all may have access to the pure fountain of truth. They worship the one living and true God, as revealed in Three Persons, and Him alone; and they offer this their worship by one only Mediator, who is the Son of God, and the Son of man. They look for salvation by faith in His one complete and perfect sacrifice, a faith that works ever by love to God and love to man. They believe in the need of a vital change in the heart of man, wrought by the Holy Spirit, and that without this real holiness no man shall see the Lord. They receive two sacraments, and two only, as the appointment of the Lord, the signs of their Christian profession and appointed means, morally or supernaturally, by which Divine grace is bestowed. They look for the resurrection and the judgment to come, in which the state of every one will be decided by their moral cha. racter, the presence or absence of true holiness, and not by an external communion or ceremony alone. These are the great vitals of Christian faith and practice; and in all these they agree, however views of discipline or State connexion may sever them from visible communion with each other.

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"Where, then, is the common ground? It may exist in the speculations of theory, as the continents existed in the time of the flood; but in practice it is buried under a sea of corruptions and traditions. Those who forsake the ark of our national protest, to build our safety on such a foundation, with whatever contempt they regard others, are guilty themselves of a strange and ruinous madness. What communion hath light with darkness, or what agree. ment has the temple of God with these idols of Rome? Our senators, with honied words of peace, may advise us to conciliate, to patronise, to adopt, to endow; but the command of the living and eternal God concerning such idolatries is just the reverse. His charge applies, not only to private Christians, but to public rulers; Come out from among them, office. It will further diminish the labours of our and be ye separate, and touch not the unclean publisher if all Post-office orders in our favour are thing.' If they refuse and rebel, however plausible at once given payable at the General Post-office, the pretext of their disobedience, their sentence is ment will sit, and will take away their dominion, to already recorded in the oracles of God. 'The judgconsume and destroy it unto the end.""

GO AT ONCE TO THE FOUNTAIN-HEAD.-The
renouncement of Romanism by a noble family in
North Britain, some generations back, is ascribed,
on very good authority, to the following circum-
stance :-A tenant on the estate, having a farm at
too high a rent, came up to the nobleman's residence
and inquired for the under agent, with a view of
obtaining a reduction. He referred him to the
principal agent; but from neither could he procure
the object he desired. In a sort of desperation he
resolved to make a bold effort to see the landlord
himself, and managed to be admitted to his presence.
The nobleman, after listening to his statement,
granted his request; and, following up his kind.
ness, asked the farmer, on his being about to with.
draw, if he would like to see the castle. The latter
answered, that of course he would like it exceed-
ingly, but could not think of putting his Grace to so
much trouble. The nobleman, however, proceeded
to accompany him through the rooms, when coming
before a picture of the Virgin, the farmer inquired,
"And who might that be?" "Oh!" said the
proprietor of the mansion, "it is to her I pray."
"Indeed!" rejoined the other. "Yes; I put up
my prayers to her, and she presents them to her son
for acceptance with God." "Weel," replied the
honest countryman, "I had a favour to ask from
yer Grace; and I went first to young Sandy G-,
and then to muckle Sandy G-, but I obtained nae
satisfaction till I came to yersel. Now, I would
humbly suggest to yer Grace to do as I have done;
in making yer requests to Heaven, to go at once to
the Fountain-head." The advice so struck the
noble personage to whom it was offered, as actually
to ead to his adoption of Protestantism.

Government for the situations of Professors in the
There are 1,000 applications to the Irish
three provincial colleges now building.

"Let us now turn to the Roman Church-and the common ground which appears on a distant view, when we come nearer, and trace its practice, fades away like a deceitful mirage. They believe that the Scriptures are the word of God. But then they add to them unwritten traditions without end, in which the true word of God is buried and lost. They take away from them, by the promise never to interpret but by an unanimous consent of the fathers, which can nowhere be found; and in practice they shut them up from the people. They believe in one only God. But then they command Divine worship to be offered to a cross of wood, or a wafer of bread; and MR. MACAULAY AND THE INVERNESS BOROUGHS. a lower worship, that God has plainly forbidden, to-In consequence of the serious indisposition of Mr. saints and angels and images, under pain of a curse, Matheson, of Ardross, the newly-elected Member and peril of damnation. They believe in the media of Parliament for the Inverness boroughs, rumours tion of Christ. But then they almost bury it under are afloat that Mr. Macaulay will be brought forthe mediation of the Virgin and of the saints, and ward as a candidate in the event of a vacancy oceven of local images, or of the holy coat of Treves; curring, either by the demise or the resignation of and he who is the sole Mediator is practically denied. Mr Matheson. They believe in the atonement of Christ. But his one perfect sacrifice is supplanted by the unbloody sacrifice of the host, and those private masses, propitiatory for the living and the dead, which our Church has styled severely, but justly, blasphemous fables and dangerous deceits. They receive the work and office of the Holy Spirit in words; in practice it is set aside by the opus operatum, the efficacy of a ceremonial penance, and a religion of mere outward show. The sacraments of Christ are received in appearance, but they are choked with other sacraments of Antichrist; nay, one of them is turned into a double engine of ecclesiastical tyranny and spiritual delusion! and, in the other, one-half is

DEATH OF THE LATE CHIEF JUSTICE PENNEFATHER.-We regret to have to state that this eminent and distinguished judge died on Monday last, at his residence, Fitzwilliam-square, Dublin. Immediately upon receiving this melancholy intelligence the Lord Bishop of Ossory and Ferns left the Palace yesterday for Dublin.

DEATH OF HENRY D. GRADY, ESQ.-The venerable Henry Deane Grady, Queen's Counsel, died last week at a very advanced age. He was called to the bar in 1787. He was the father-in-law of Lords Massareene, Muskerry, and Edward Chichester, whose families are, in consequence of his demise, placed in mourning.

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Roman Catholic colonization," why not of the Irish Roman Catholic population at home? If Lord John Russell acted on this Memorial, could he refuse to endow Popery in Ireland, or listen for one moment to the opposition which such persons as Mr. Gregory could offer ?]

The Memorial then proceeds to state, that the maintenance of "Irish nationality" amongst the colonists was next in importance to the maintenance of the Roman Catholic Church.

"The national sympathies and associations ["the Loyal Repeal Association" amongst them, perhaps], as well as their religion, must be carefully preserved and deliberately used for the furtherance of the best results which religion and nationality are capable of producing."

Now "the national sympathies of Irish Roman Catholics" most assuredly are hatred of "the Sassenach" and of" the heretic ;" it is such sympathies which we here find proposed as objects of importance, to be kept alive, "carefully preserved and deliberately used," in order to secure great

and beneficial results.

After ringing the changes on this idea, the document winds up by referring again to the religious

topic, and states, that "above all, to secure the most ample and complete provision for the Irish Roman Catholic Church is the most important feature of the plan !!!"

Need we wonder that Lord Roden, in speaking of this plan, and that, although his own son Lord Jocelyn was one of the parties to it, declared that

it "

prosperity, if it do not in its nature present, if it | and actions, whether he eat or drink, or whatsoever
would not in its development involve, the healing he do. But this can never interfere with the lawful,
of all our national evils, let us away with it alto- civil authority in any state, because Christ has
gether; but if it do, let there be "no surrender,”- no separate interest in any worldly kingdom as the
no compromise of its claims, no toleration of its Hope has; besides, whenever Christ interposes his au-
outrages, and no apprehension of the consequences thority, it is always holy, just, and good, in obedience
of rejecting them. Truth is great, and will prevail. to which, men always find true happiness, but this
Miserable indeed would be our case if our hopes cannot be said of the Pope.
were capable of being clouded, by the loss of the
"support" of such a "Protestant" as Mr. Gregory.
I remain, Sir, your obedient servant,

T. D. GREGG.

"Every Papist declares himself not only subject to the Pope in spiritual matters, but also to his own immediate pastor, or spiritual adviser. This is necessarily the case. A priest who has taken a solemn oath of obedience to the Pope, in which he binds himself not only to promote the interest The Rev. Hugh M'Neile, in his sermon on the of the holy see, but to resist every thing that may Character of the Church of Rome, quotes the follow-be contrary to that interest, to keep secret the ing animated and powerful statement from one of our daily journals:

QUALIFICATIONS OF LEGISLATORS.

"The Roman Catholic Church has seldom
of late years been regarded steadily under
its genuine and exclusive aspect of an unappeas-
able foe to civil liberty. Popery may be in many
senses a cheat, but in every sense a tyrant. In
her jurisdiction to things spiritual, but in practice,
vague and abstract terms we allow Popery confines

by vigilant and subtile induction, by claims of rela-
tionship between things spiritual and things tempo-

ral, she brings all the affairs of this world within her
constructive empire. In the council-room, in the
confessional, in the closet, in the chamber, in the
street, ever watchful, ever menacing, ever exacting,
ever calculating; where Popery, through her minister,

counsel of the Pope, but to divulge every opposite counsel, to such a devoted servant to the court and see of Rome, is every Papist bound to communicate his most secret thoughts in confession. interests of the Church are paramount to every He is taught from infancy to believe that the other interest; that he must, as he values the salvation of his soul, improve his situation, his means, the cause of the Church, and to oppose her enemies and opportunities, whatever they may be, to serve,

that is, Protestants of every name, and every Protestant establishment. Now, suppose such a man in Parliament, or in the Cabinet Council; and suppose we are at war with France or Spain, or any other Popish kingdom; suppose it were with the Pope himself, such a man cannot give counsel

was concocted as if there was no God above finds admission, there is no security nor confidence. against our enemies. Nay, if it shall by any means

them, no truth to guide them, no experience behind them, and no eternity before them."

And yet it is to restore to his former position of our [mis-]representative, the leader in pushing this plan upon the Government, that we now have a Petition got up by mistaken Protestants, and apparently regarded with favour by journals in the

Protestant interest

I do hope that the Protestant Elector, which has deserved so well of the Church and of the country may not be numbered amongst the sympathizers with Mr. Gregory. What have we to fear from the Popish Mr. Reynolds? Nothing at all. It is not

the O'Connells, nor the Sheils, the M'Hales or the Higginses or the Laffans, which have heaped disaster on the cause of Protestantism. No, the

no free agency, no free speech, no bold nor in-
dependent thought,-all is unconscious, irretrievable,
and unvarying bondage."

In accordance with this statement, and bearing
upon the subject that has lately appeared in the
Protestant Magazine on the divided allegiance of
Romanists, are the following remarks from a valu-
able little tract entitled, A Voice of Warning; or, a
Serious Address to the Protestants of Great Britain on
the Danger of Conceding Political Power to Roman Ca-
tholics. The writer observes, "The question is,
shall we admit into Parliament and to the Council
of our Sovereign, men who are the subjects of
a foreign, and sometimes a hostile, power? Papists
vehemently disavow such subjection, as regards
temporal matters; they interpose their solemn oaths

serve the cause of the Holy Church, he must divulge to his confessor the counsels of his Sovereign, which, through the confessor, would be cominvasion of Ireland, for the avowed or for the secret municated to the enemy. If there were a projected

purpose of restoring the Church of Rome to the power and property which she formerly possessed, no true Papist would dare to frustrate such an object, nay, he would be bound, as he regarded the salvation of his soul, to forward it by all possible

means.

Thus, our measures of defence would be made known to our enemies as soon as they were They know little of the genius of Popery, and of proposed, and would of course be easily defeated. the activity of the Jesuits, who would treat such fears

as chimerical. Time was when these incendiaries, by means of confession, were masters of the secrets

true instruments of our calamities have been the to that effect, and are much offended when Protest- of almost every cabinet in Europe, so that they

Wellingtons, the Peels, the Brownlows, and the Dawsons, the very men of whom Mr. Gregory is so complete a type. The first step to the removal of our wrongs must be the punishment of traitors, the making an example of those miscalled Protestants who betray their constituents, compromise their principles, and thus afford the greatest possible advantage to our antagonists. If we would secure ultimate victory, we must make the soldiers who compose the Protestant host faithful; and, as likely to conduce to that end, allow Mr. Gregory to remain in that privacy for which he seems much more suited than for the championship of Protestantism in these evil times.

ants hesitate or refuse to take this as sufficient proof of their entire and undivided loyalty to our Protestant Queen and Constitution: but they admit a principle which renders such professions of no value. They avow themselves to be subject to the Pope in spiritual matters, that is, in all that relates to the Church and the salvation of their souls. Now there is no act of a man's conduct, or word of his mouth, or thought of his heart, which is not connected with the state of his soul before God. Spiritual subjection to the Pope, therefore, implies all subjection, otherwise, a man's inward, spiritual state and character would be independent of his outward character and conduct, which is as I would only add one sentence. If Protest- absurd as to suppose him to be two distinct indepen antism be not the source of constitutional privilege, dent beings. The spiritual subjection of a Christian of public liberty, of national power, and of national to Christ, extends to all his thoughts, words,

could frustrate any measure that was hostile to their own views, and forward any that was favourable to them. No man, therefore, who solemnly, and from principle, subjects his conscience to the authority of such men, is capable of legislating, or administering the Government of a Protestant State.

has been shown already, must influence their | Bewdley and Stourport, since they had returned | labouring classes. (Cheers.) When I succeeded to conduct, even in relation to temporal matters. In such a man to represent them in Parliament as Mr. my property I adopted the plan which had been preIreland. (Great applause.) On their behalf he viously acted upon with great success by the Marquis any question that may arise between our Govern- begged to acknowledge, most warmly, the manner of Bute and the Duke of Rutland (with the latter of whom I have the honour of an acquaintance), of ment and the Pope, they must prefer the interest of in which the toast had been received. The CHAIRMAN then rose and said the next toast making small allotments of land to my tenants of their spiritual father." which he had to propose to them was what must be half or a quarter of an acre to each, according to considered the toast of the evening; and in pro- their families, to be cultivated by spade industry; posing it he thought it would be as well not to de- allowing them to sell none of the produce, except it tain them with any lengthy prefatory observations, might be a pig but consume it themselves. I am but simply at once, to name it. It was the health happy to say that I have found this system work of their worthy representative, Mr. Ireland. (Tre- well and admirably. I would here, however, beg mendous cheering.) leave to observe, parenthetically, that, on going over my allotments recently, I was extremely sorry to find the potato disease making rapid progress. Out of my fifty-five allotments feel proud to say that only one of my tenants has been brought to justice for crimes of any kind, and that one instance was for a petty larceny only. (Cheers.) I highly approve of the allotment principle, because I think it calculated to improve the condition of the agricultural labourers, and give them a stake in the country. I am not going to make them little farmers, nor am I actuated by any wish to do so; but I think that by improving the condition of the agricultural la bourers we are doing a great deal of good; for remember that

The foregoing reasoning is so sound and conclusive, that it must commend itself to the common sense of every reflecting and unprejudiced person. The experiment here deprecated of admitting Romanists to Parliament has, alas! been tried and proved a complete failure. The subjects of the Pope in this country are just as far off from being satisfied and conciliated as ever, while our statesmen are more than ever at their wit's end to know how to govern Ireland. The truth is, they are on a wrong course, and they will never succeed in righting the vessel of the State so long as they obstinately pursue that course. Nothing will save our country from ruin but retracing our steps, and boldly rescinding every measure, which, of late years, has had for its object the assimilating our country with that moral curse, Popery. In a word, we must un-Romanize our country, and endeavour to approximate it more and more closely with the principles of the blessed Reformation and the Romanists, Tractarians, and glorious Revolution. our leading statesmen appear to be all confederated together in an unholy alliance against Protestantism, which they are perpetually assailing with "heavy blows and great discouragement."

AMICUS PROTESTANS.

GRAND CONSERVATIVE BANQUET

AT

T. J. IRELAND, Esq., M.P., rose to acknowledge the honour done him, and his rising was the signal for a perfect storm of cheering. On the subsidence of the applause, he spoke nearly as follows:-Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen,-I assure you, and I trust that you will believe me when I say so, that I rise under feelings of considerable embarrassment, to return you my most sincere thanks for the honour you have done me on the present occasion, by inviting me as your guest at this splendid entertainment, to celebrate the triumph of Conservatism. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I think it is due to you, as well as to myself, that I should give an explanation of the political principles upon which I solicited your support on a late occasion. On the subject of the Catholic claims I may remark, that I am a strong advocate for the connexion existing between the Church and State, and as strongly opposed to any further concessions to the Roman Catholics. (Loud cheers.) I will not consent to any endowment of the priests of that religion out of the national funds; and though it may be said that no Government would dare to do this by direct means, yet the object may instance, there are a considerable quantity of Crown be equally well effected indirectly as directly. For lands in Ireland which may be turned over to the Roman Catholic priests there; also the unappropriated funds arising from the sale of Church lands to tenants; and there may be such a thing proposed as a land-tax for these so-called priests, to which such landowners as the Duke of Devonshire, Earl Fitzwilliam, and the Marquises of Clanricarde and Lansdowne might agree, but all of which should meet my firm and decided opposition. (Cheers.) I

"Princes and lords may flourish or may fade:
A breath can make them, as a breath has made;
But a bold peasantry, their country's pride,
When once 'tis lost can never be supplied."

GREAT DISTRESS IN DINGLE.-DINGLE, SEPT. 3. distress at this time, so it has turned out. Thousands "It was supposed that there would be great are now thrown upon what I brought, and when it is out, I fear there will be dreadful misery and starvation. I hope to make my store last for another

week; and unless some further aid can be got by
that time, I fear that the people will be driven to
plunder, and then will lie down and die.
no district, I am sure, in Ireland anything like this.

There is

am giving food to at least 3,000 people daily. Seven hundred people came unasked, and cut down our corn, flax, &c.; they seem very grateful."

BEWDLEY, IN CELEBRATION OF THE shall also oppose any increase in the grant to the Extract of a letter from the Rev. Charles Gayer.

RETURN OF T. J. IRELAND, ESQ., M.P.

The hour of dining was three o'clock, but it was nearly half-past three before all the company had assembled; at which time 300 gentlemen sat down, under the able presidency of Thomas Sheward Cartwright, Esq., who was supported on his right by T. J. Ireland, Esq., M.P., E. Cookes, Esq., and the Rev. J. Allen, Vicar of Upper Arley; and on his left by E. R. Nicholas, W. B. Best, and John Crane, Esqs.

Grace was said before and after dinner by the Rev. J. Allen, of Upper Arley.

On the removal of the cloth, the CHAIRMAN rose and said, he believed that all there assembled were loyal subjects, and therefore he should call upon them to drink Her Most Gracious Majesty's health in a bumper. (Three times three, and protracted applause.)

The CHAIRMAN then gave "His Royal Highness Prince Albert." (Cheers.)

The next toast from the chair was the health of an illustrious and amiable lady, "The Queen Dowager," to whom the county of Worcester, the Chairman observed, was much indebted from her residence therein for a long time. With the toast was coupled "the rest of the Royal Family." (Loud cheers.)

The CHAIRMAN next proposed "The Army and Navy," which was followed by "The Bishops and Clergy of the United Kingdom." (Loud cheers.)

The Rev. J. ALLEN, in returning thanks, observed that the bishops and clergy of the United Kingdom had, indeed, reason to be proud of the approbation of such a body of men as the electors of

College of Maynooth; that grant was originally
8,000l., but it had been recently increased to
30,000l.; nor will I consent to the endowment of any
schools in which ample provision is not made for
the circulation and reading of the Protestant unmu-
tilated Bible; not as cut by the Papists, but the
pure word of God. (Loud cheers.) It may be in
your recollection that the Lord Primate of Ireland,
the Archbishop of Armagh, and several of the other
Irish Bishops, some time ago presented a Memorial
to Lord John Russell, containing a spirited request
for the endowment of Protestant schools in Ireland.
To that request Lord John Russell has given a flat
denial. (Sensation.) Had I possessed the honour
of a seat in Parliament at the time, I should have
opposed Mr. Watson's Bill. We are well aware
that civil disabilities have been now removed
from all denominations of Christians; and it is
even in contemplation to remove them from
the Jews residing in this kingdom, a measure
to effect which I have reason to believe will be
introduced in the next session of Parliament; and
we demand that the funds of this country should not
be devoted to the fostering and establishing of a re-
ligion whose tenets are diametrically opposed to our
own. (Cheers.) I view the connexion now existing
between Church and State as one of the most
glorious principles of our constitution, and no act of
mine shall ever militate against it. (Loud cheers.)
We have seen many candidates at the late election,
who, although they voted for Mr. Watson's Bill and
the Maynooth grant, loudly professed their deter-
mination not to do so any more; but these promises
relate only to the future. I look to the past, and to
their recorded votes, and find that these have not
tended to strengthen the Protestant religion of this
country; and if they mean to assert that by their
votes they meant to strengthen that religion, I really
must say that such logic I cannot comprehend. I
shall always be found ready and willing to forward
the progress of education of religious and moral
education-provided always that such education be
based on Christian and Protestant principles.
(Cheers.) I shall also endeavour, by every
means in my power, to better the condition of the

THE BISHOPRIC OF MANCHESTER.-The following, from the Manchester Guardian paragraph confirms our anticipation, some months back, respecting the new bishop:-"From all that we hear, it is most likely that the party selected for the newly-created dignity will be the Hon. and Rev. Henry Montagu Villiers, M.A., rector of St. George's, Bloomsbury, London, and a Prebendary of St Paul's. He was named six months ago, and of late there appears to be some reason for believing that he is to be the new bishop. He married in January, 1837, Miss Hulton, the eldest daughter of William Hulton, Esq., of Hulton-park. He was then Rector of Kenilworth; but in 1841 he was appointed to the rectory of St. George's, Bloomsbury, on Dr. Short, the former Rector, being elevated to the see of Sodor and

Man.

THE REPRESENTATION OF WOLVERHAMPTON.—

At a Meeting of the Liberal electors of this borough, lately held at the Star and Garter, Mr. E. B. Dimack in the chair, it was resolved, upon the motion of the Rev. S. Hunter, seconded by Mr. Bradshaw, "That referring to Mr. Villiers' declaration on the hustings, that he should prefer to represent Wolverhampton, public good that he should sit for Lancashire, this unless the electors thought it expedient for the Meeting is of opinion that, as the great question of free trade is carried, they cannot see any public purpose to justify them, on any public ground, to disturb the peace of the borough, or to part with a representative who has hitherto given them entire satisfaction." Some of the defeated Members of the Government must, therefore, go to Lancashire.

Sir Nigel Gresley, Bart., died on the 3d instant, at Netherwell-hall, Leicestershire, after a long illness, and in the prime of life. Sir Nigel succeeded his cousin, the late Sir Roger, in the year 1837. He leaves a widow with a large family to lament their loss. The eldest son, now Sir Thomas, is in his sixteenth year. The baronetcy is one of the most ancient in the kingdom, the patent dating from 1611. The family estate of Drakelow, Derbyshire, is enjoyed by Lady Sophia Desvœux, widow of Sir Roger, for her life..