ISLINGTON PROTESTANT INSTITUTE. The Quarterly Lecture was delivered on Monday evening, June 28, in the National School-room, Church-street, by the Rev. Hugh Stowell, M.A., Canon of Chester, and Minister of Christ Church, Salford, Manchester. Subject-" Popery in England in the Nineteenth Century a Warning to Protestants." The Rev. Daniel Wilson, M.A., Vicar, took the chair at seven o'clock. The room was crowded by a very respectable audience. There was a very numerons attendance of clergymen, amongst whom were, Revs. T. B. Hill, C. F. Childe, J. Heisch, J. Haslegrave, J. Hambleton, R. Hutchinson, C. Clayton, J. Sutherland, E. Tottenham, — Craig, and P. Watson: Messrs. Pitman, D. Hazard, Green, J. Lord, Suter, Spurling, E. Saxton, and Barker. The Rev. Chairman having opened the proccedings by imploring the Divine blessing, called upon the Rev. Hugh Stowell to commence the Lecture. Mr. Stowell, in rising to address the assembly, was received with heartfelt congratulations, and in the course of a Lecture of nearly three hours' duration, in which, with his usual power and felicity of language, he dwelt on the importance of opposing the progress of Popery, and of upholding the cause of Protestantism, was listened to with marked attention. We hope shortly to be able to announce that this Lecture has been published. Mr. Stowell observed, that however it might seem strange that the assembly were met in the midst of the enlightenment of the nineteenth century, to take measures as to opposing Popery, it was yet a startling fact, that Popery had been greatly on the increase amongst us. This, from whatever cause or causes it might have arisen, certainly was not owing to the goodness of Popery. Protestants had too much neglected the duty which, as children of the truth, they owed to the Father of truth. They had prided themselves on their privileges, and neglected their duties. They had omitted to seek the poor Roman Catholic wanderer in a spirit of love, and seek to bring him to a saving knowledge of a Saviour's love; and now Popery was coming forward energetically amongst Protestants, to seek, if possible, again to bring into bondage and darkness the light and liberty of good old Protestant England. Having read an extract from a letter of Lord Burleigh, giving an account of the prosperity of the country under the reign of Queen Elizabeth, in which he stated that this country had more flourished under her reign, notwithstanding all the curses of the Pope, and his bulls and censures, than it had done when the Pope's blessings and pardons were received year by year, Mr. Stowell proceeded to observe, that if the earth had withheld lately its wonted increase in Ireland, it was not owing to the adoption of the policy on which Queen Elizabeth had acted, and though he did not wish to be uncharitable, yet the close connexion which he knew existed between idolatry and the punishment of idolatry, led to the conclusion that Ireland was now suffering from Popery. God had smitten the staff of a whole country's support. Who could tell what and where he next would smite? Had not England, therefore, just cause for alarm -humiliation-repentance! PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.-It does not seem likely that, from the present amount of business, Parliament can be prorogued before nearly the close of the present month. ADVERTISEMENTS. CHURCH PASTORAL-AID SOCIETY. Vice-Patrons. The Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of Winchester. The Right Hon. the Earl of Denbigh. President.-The Right Hon. Lord Ashley. the following particulars. The present grants are 374 in number; 301 for clergymen, and 73 for lay assistants; the largest number that has ever been upon the Society's books. Unless, however, great exertions are made, the Committee will not be able to maintain these extended operations, much less will they be in a position to enter upon new fields of labour. The Committee have made grants to the fullest extent which obvious, that, much as they desire and are importuned to do so, the Society's present resources admit of; and for this cause it is they must not venture to make fresh grants without an increase fifty, which the Committee regret they are precluded, at present, of means. The following are ten of the most urgent cases out of from assisting:Population. Applicant's Income. Aid requested. £ 20 to meet 30 for a lay-assistant. 40 for ditto. 20 Moreover, upon the strength of the late Mr. Scott's legacy of 7,500., the Committee last year made twenty-one new grants, which they have called the Scott grants. For this purpose the Committee appropriated last year of the legacy 2,0007.; and, as the remainder of the legacy, which is invested in Long Annuities, will only produce 5187. yearly, the Committee trust that the Christian public will give special contributions towards these interfering with the general income of the Society, to defray the particular twenty-one grants, to enable the Committee, without charge which the Scott Fund is unable to bear. The Committee need not say how much may be done by the zealous co-operation of their clerical friends throughout the country, if they will but kindly exert themselves in their respective parishes and neighbourhoods, to procure subscriptions and donations, to form branch associations, and to arrange for sermons and meetings in behalf of the Society's objects. The Association Secretaries, The Rev. A. P. Irwine, Broughton, Manchester; J. Lees, Derby; J. G. Kelly, Bristol; J. N. Green, Armytage Society's Offices, London, will be happy to assist in their several districts those elergymen who may be anxious in any way they are able to forward the Society's interests. The Committee need not enter into detail as to the state of morality and education in those parts of the country for which aid is requested; they would only say, in general terms, that the particulars furnished by the applicants are in many cases of a most painful and revolting character, and that the only remedy for these hitherto neglected parts of the land is the full exhibition of the Gospel of Christ. It is the fervent prayer of the who value that Gospel themselves to do their utmost to extend Committee that the Almighty will put it into the hearts of those its unspeakable blessings to those masses of our fellow-country men in behalf of whom these earnest appeals are made. The Committee thankfully acknowledge the following recent donations:Isaac Smith, Esq., Brighton Anonymous Miss E. Wylie, Evesham Rev. E. D. Johnston, Ticehurst Miss M. Mair, collection box T. Hamilton, Esq., per Messrs. Seeley and Co. W. Earl, Esq. J. J. Ruskin, Esq. Rev. Thos. Lockton, per Record..... John Hardy, Esq., M.P. .... From sale of an ornament by Mrs. Spragge, Torre, Devon..... John Thornton, Esq., Somerset House John Mair, Esq. Frederick Sandoz, Esq... Popery, ashamed of their past defeats,but without manly boldness enough to confess their errors and retrace their steps,seem resolved to rush for protection to Rome; and to call in the power of the Pope to aid in governing the subjects of Queen Victoria, rather than to throw themselves upon the Protestant energies of the country. Our theologians,-in whom, by virtue of their sacred office, the majority of the people of this country have been wont to repose confidence,-have, with a few noble exceptions, instead of emulating the example of the Seven Bishops, stood aloof whilst the wolf was ravaging the flock. They have, unhappily, as a body, looked on in silence, if not in apathy; and even where the alarm has been given, the ecclesiastical trumpet has sent forth so uncertain a sound, or a note so feeble, that it has been almost unheeded, if not unheard; and those who sought for reasons to avoid the conflict have availed themselves of that uncertainty, or feebleness of sound, to excuse themselves from coming forward to the battle. As patriots, and as Christians,-as lovers of our own country, globe, we deplore this sad state of things hinted at rather than and desiring the advance of Christ's pure religion throughout the described. Our religion makes us loyal to the Crown,- to revere the ministers of our faith,-and to respect the office, even where we cannot approve the policy or principles of those who, in the providence of God, have been called upon to exercise the functions of their respective offices. But shall we be bound hand and foot and delivered over to Popery? Will the Protestants of this country witness without strong remonstrance the efforts now being made to reconcile their country with Rome? We believe—we know they will not. What, then, is to be done? From theologians who mislead, and from statesmen who betray, we turn to the Protestant Electors of the United Kingdom. With them, under God's blessing, it rests to say, by their votes at the approaching Election, whether Popery shall be endowed or encouraged by us. To them we say, Your own interests, and those of your children, are at stake: you and yours must suffer if bad laws are made; the more so, as you have the power of returning those who may make good laws. When laws are framed by human authority, not sanctioned by, but opposed to the laws of Him by whom alone kings reign and princes decree justice, they are sure to bring down not a blessing, but a curse upon those who make them. We have assisted in replanting the tree of Popery uprooted by our ancestors, and its baneful shadow seems rapidly bringing a blight upon the peace, happiness, and prosperity of the country. Several constituencies have recently avowed their own conviction of this, and announced their determination to return Protestants faithful to their cause. Why should not other cities and borough towns follow the example of Liverpool, Manchester, Exeter, Reading, Bodmin, &c.? To assist our brother Protestants in carrying out this work the "Protestant Elector" is announced. It is for them we labour, not for ourselves; and if they value the existence of a journal which shall with brevity and faithfulness chronicle passing events, and seek to promote the great cause in hand, they will see the importance of aiding this publication. Let those, then, who approve the object announced-the principles on which we would have the policy of this yet great nation conducted-let them aid us with their best energies,-let them circulate our paper, let them assist us with their literary and pecuniary contributions. The work is great-and the time is short,-the crisis urgent. By prompt, prayerful, united, energetic efforts, much good may yet be done through the Divine blessing, and much evil averted. It has been resolved to publish a Protestant journal three days in a week, for fourteen weeks, with an especial reference to the approaching General Election. Those desirous of aiding in this movement are requested at once to intimate their willingness to do so by becoming Subscribers. It will be obvious that there is no time for delay; and as the amount for the fourteen wecks will be but 10s. 6d., it is hoped that some friends of the cause in every Borough town, County, and division of County, will at once forward their names as Subscribers. Orders to be addressed to the Publisher of "THE PROTESTANT ELECTOR," care of Mr. Macintosh, Great New-street, London. Post Office orders to be made payable in the name of the Publisher, William MacKnight, 3, Shoe-lane, Fleet-street, London. TO THE ELECTORS OF THE CITY OF LONDON. ENTLEMEN,-Impelled by a deep conviction of the critical position in which the Protestant institutions of this great empire are now placed, and firmly believing that, 0 under God's blessing, the real interests of the country are iden tified with its Protestant and Christian character. I have yielded to the desire of many friends who share those feelings, and have determined to present myself as a candidate for your suffrages at the approaching general election, in the earnest hope that I may assist in bringing the weight of the constituency of London to the support of these principles in the Commons of the United Kingdom. Col. G. Disbrowe, per Messrs. Drummond Contributions may be sent through any country bankers, who should desire their London Correspondent to place the same to the Society's credit with Messrs. Williams, Deacon, and Co. The Secretary would request to be informed of such remittance CHARLES CLAYTON, M.A., Secretary. Temple Chambers, Fleet-street. by an early post. Connected as I am with the commercial interests of the country, and in an especial manner with the prosperity of the City of London, I shall be always ready, by my vote in Parliament, to defend those interests, and to promote that prosperity. Of my general politics I need say little. The questions which parties in this country, have been either disposed of by the Legislature, or have sunk into comparative oblivion. My constant aim shall be to uphold our free Constitution, and to defend from any dangerous innovations or changes the great Institutions of our country. PROTESTANT ASSOCIATION-SPECIAL have litherto chiefly agitated and divided the great political who are friendly to the Protestant Cause are invited to enrol themselves Members of the above Association, or to forward Special Donations to the account of the Treasurer with Messrs. Williams, Deacon, and Co., 20, Birchin-lane; or to the Office, 11, Exeter Hall. It is particularly requested that all Post-office orders may be made payable in the name of the Collector, Arthur William Stone. Subscribers of 10s. a-year are entitled to a copy of the "Protestant Magazine." I shall firmly resist the endowment of the Church of Rome from any funds within the control of Parliament. I regard the advance of the Romish Church and hierarchy into political influence in this country as dangerous to the existence of civil and religious liberty, nor can I consider it to be right that national support should be given to a system of error. Having thus candidly stated the principles upon which I appear before you, I leave the cause with which I have identified myself in your hands, And have the honour to be, Gentlemen, Lombard-street, July 3, 1847. R. C. L. BEVAN. GE TO THE FREE BURGESSES AND THE PARLIAMEN. TARY ELECTORS OF LIVERPOOL. ENTLEMEN,-In accordance with the wishes of a large body of the Electors of your Borough, I beg to offer myself as a CANDIDATE for the honour of representing you in the ensuing Parliament. If it be usual for an old representative to lay before you his sentiments on some of the leading questions of general policy, it becomes an imperative duty on a new and untried candidate to do so. The first point, and one which, I understand, is exciting a great and general interest in your town, is that of the endowment of the Romish clergy. Upon this, as upon every other subject, I desire to give you my honest opinion. It is a question on which many great and good men may differ. It is one, however, upon which I can never swerve from the principles which have guided my conduct through life. What is in itself wrong can never be justified by expediency; and the endowment of the Church of Rome would, I consider, be treason to Protestantism. The spirit of Protestantism breathes liberty, order, protection to life and property, and toleration to all. The spirit of Romanism, to use the words of Lord Arundel and Surrey (himself a Romanist), is antagonistic to Protestantism. These sentiments may be called "bigotry;" they are, however, the source of all freedom. Were these principles applied to the government of Ireland, and applied fairly, firmly, and yet kindly, I believe they would offer a near solution to the most difficult problem of the British Government. The next subject to which my attention has been called is that of the Navigation-laws. The shipping interests of England are interwoven with all her past and present glories. I desire to see her Navigation-laws, which have long been the admiration of foreigners as well as of ourselves, maintained in their full integrity; and the necessity must be very imperative, or the advantages clear and decisive, which could justify any tampering with this time-honoured system of maritime law. On the monetary systems, various and opposed as they are, I would desire to learn the opinions of this large and enlightened community (founded, as those opinions must be, on great commercial experience), rather than to propound my own; and I can only assure you that, should I have the honour of becoming your representative, I should give to those opinions all the consideration to which they are justly entitled; and should I draw from them an erroneous conclusion, I can only say that, though erroneous, it will be an honest one. The repeal of the Corn-laws is become the law of the land. I was opposed to it; but should deprecate any intermeddling with that law until considerable experience of its effects shall have tested its bearing and value. I should desire free-trade with all nations, who will reciprocate its advantages with us; subject, of course, to such modifications as may be requisite to maintain the fiscal integrity of the State. Having thus, Gentlemen, laid before you, clearly, as I hope, my views on the protection of our national Protestantism, as essential to real liberty and good government-on the maintenancee of our navigation_code-on the repeal of the Corn-laws, as a settled question; and on the conditional benefit of reciprocal Free-trade-I have only to add, that, if brought into Parliament by your suffrages, it will be my endeavour to promote your local interests, and to attend carefully to the public and private busi ness, which so vast a commercial town as Liverpool must origi SELECTION FROM THE PUBLICATIONS OF THE It is particularly requested, that all Orders may be addressed to the Assistant Secretary, and all Post Office Orders to be made payable in the name of Mr. Arthur William Stone. 8. ENGLAND the FORTRESS of CHRISTIANITY. By the Rev. G. CROLY, LL.D. 45th 1000. 1d., or 7s. per 100. 20. ROMAN CATHOLIC QUESTION.-Speech of M. T. Sadler, Esq., M.P. for Newark, 17th March, 1829. 3d., or 20s. per 100. 24. The DANGER of ATTENDING POPISH CHAPELS. 19th 1000. 3s. per 100. 28. SETTLEMENT of the CONSTITUTION in 1688. 3s. per 100. 35. BEWARE of POPERY. By the Rev. HUGH STOWELL. 3s. per 100. 36. A WARNING to PROTESTANT PARENTS against sending their children to schools kept by Roman Catholics. By the Rev. B. RICHINGS. Fourth Thousand. 3s. per 100. 38. The CHURCH of ROME proved to have the marks of Antichrist. By the Rev. HUGH M'NEILE, D.D. 3d., or 20s. per 100. 40. The POPE and POPERY EXPOSED in their present Power and Plots against the Religion, Laws, and Liberties of the Empire. A Speech delivered at Exeter Hall, May 10, 1843, by the Rev. R. J. M'GHEE. 4d., or 28s. per 100. 41. SPEECH of VISCOUNT BERNARD, M.P., in the With Notes House of Commons, on the IRISH CHURCH. illustrative of the Early History of the Church in Ireland. 3d., or 20s. per 100. 42. ENGLAND'S CÆSAR. By the Rev. HUGH M'NEILE, D.D. 1d., or 10s. per 100. 43. POPERY at MADEIRA, or an account of the Persecution and Oppression of Dr. Kalley, and other Protestants, by the Portuguese Authorities of Madeira. By JAMES LORD, 46. On the OATHS of ALLEGIANCE to the POPE taken 48. OBSERVATIONS on the MORTMAIN LAWS, Act of Supremacy, or Popery opposed to National Independence and Social Happiness. By JAMES LORD, Esq. 3d., or 20s. per 100. 49. BRIAN SEERY. The CHURCH of ROME: Her Awfully Destructive Principles Practically Carried out and Irrefutably Established and Confirmed by the Canonization of Alphonsus Liguori, on Trinity Sunday, 1839. 50. ADDRESS of the PROTESTANT ASSOCIATION to the ELECTORS of GREAT BRITAIN and IRELAND. Duties of Protestant Electors. Questions to Candidates. 38. per 100, or 17. per 1000. 51. CHALLENGE of the Rev. R. J. M'GHEE, to the ROMAN CATHOLIC ARCHBISHOPS of the FOUR PROVINCES of IRELAND. 3s. per 100. 52. PROTESTANTISM, RELIGIOUS and POLITICAL Speech of the Very Reverend Dean MURRAY. 2d., or 12s. per 100. 53. RELIGIOUS MOTIVES for OPPOSING the CONTEMPLATED ENDOWMENT of the ROMISH PRIESTHOOD in IRELAND, and the continued support of Maynooth College. 3s. per 100, or 1. per 1000. 54. THOUGHTS on the APPROACHING GENERAL ELECTION, seriously addressed to the consideration of all constituents. By Rev. GEORGE STANLEY FABER, B.D. 13d., or 10s. per 100. 55. Letter I.-BRITISH PROTESTANTISM, its present Position, Responsibilities, and Duties. By J. E. GORDON, Esq. 2d., or 14s. per 100 for distribution. 56. Letter II.-BRITISH PROTESTANTISM the First 57. The OATHS TAKEN by PROTESTANT and ROMAN 58. The PROTESTANT CHARACTER of the BRITISH for distribution. 59. LETTER DEDICATORY to the Queen's Most Excel. lent Majesty, on the Laws of the Papacy set up by the Romish Bishops in Ireland, in 1832. to Subvert the Authority of their Lawful Sovereign. By the Rev. R. J. M'GHEE, A.M. 4d., or 25s. per 100. 60. Letter III.-BRITISH PROTESTANTISM. By J. E. Impressions from Papal Medals. 2d., or 12s. per 100. 62. The DUTY of ELECTORS at the present CRISIS. or 14s. per 100. 63. CITY ELECTION. Mercator's Letter to the Right Hon. Lord John Russell, M.P. 33. per 100. HANDBILLS. 8. SINFULNESS of BEING PRESENT at POPISH CE- 12. The POPISH CREED. Second Edition. 1s. per 100. 15. AWFUL GUILT of the ROMAN BISHOPS. 1s. per 100. 20. LOYALTY and PATRIOTISM. 1s. per 100. 21. PLEDGES of ELECTORS and CANDIDATES CONSIDERED. By J. LORD, Esq. 1s. per 100. 22. The PERSECUTING and SANGUINARY SPIRIT of the CHURCH of ROME (Notes from the Rhemish Testament). 1s. per 100. 23. LAWS of the PAPACY, set up by the Romish Bishops in Ireland, in 1832, to subvert the authority of their Lawful Sovereign. 1s. per 100. 24. Dr. WORDSWORTH on the REPEAL of POPISH PENALTIES. 1s. per 100. 25. Sir ROBERT PEEL on the ROMAN CATHOLIC RELIGION. 1s. per 100. 26. EXTINCTION of PROTESTANTISM. Lord Arundel and of Mr. Plumptre. 1s. per 100. POPULAR SERIES. We request our subscribers and friends to be very careful in informing our publisher of the exact Christian and surname of the party in whose name Post-office orders are made payable, as otherwise considerable difficulty will arise at the Post-office. INCREASED AND IMMEDIATE CIRCULATION. The object of this journal can only be attained by an increased and immediate circulation. Our friends would greatly aid the object we have in view by ordering down copies for Reading Rooms, Libraries, Mechanics' Institutes, News Rooms, &c. The important topics to which our columns are devoted, will thus be brought under the notice of those whose attention we wish particularly invited to them. This may be done with the greater prospect of good in the borough towns. Speeches of Intelligence. 1. DIALOGUE on MAYNOOTH COLLEGE, between John Search and Peter Surface. Id. 2. The LYONESE MARTYRS. 1d. 3. The CHILD'S BOOK of MARTYRS. Illustrated with STANDARD PROTESTANT WORKS, 18mo. II. The DIVINE WARNING to the CHURCHI at this III. The JESUITS: their Principles and Acts. By Rev. IV. THOUGHTS on POPERY. By the Rev. Dr. NEVINS. V. LIFE of EDWARD VI. By the Rev. R. W. DIBDIN, VI. SERIOUS DISSUASIVES from POPERY. By Arch- VII. On the IDOLATRY of the CHURCH of ROME. By VIII. No PEACE with ROME. By Bishop HALL. With Introductory Essay, by the Rev. E. BICKERSTETH, M.A. One volume, 3s. Price Fivepence. Every Subscriber of Ten Shillings a-year is entitled to a monthly copy of this Magazine. London. Seeley, Burnside, and Seeley, Fleet-street; Simpkin, Marshall, and Co., Stationers' Court; Office of the Association, 11, Exeter Hall, and all Booksellers. DUTIES AND CONSEQUENCES. In all questions where a clear matter of duty is involved, imaginary consequences should offer no real impediment. A Church, a nation, an individual, may oftentimes seem to see a lion in the way, where in reality there is none: and from some fear of consequences-which are not placed at the disposal of man-may neglect the performance of a bounden duty. This is what we term a false expediency. To prevent a small evil-it incurs a greater. To avoid contingent evil-rushes upon positive evil. Such a policy we repudiate as unworthy of great men or great nations-still more unworthy of a Christian Church, which, built upon a rock more stable than this world,-should evince in its members individually, and in its proceedings collectively, a regard to those high, holy, and sacred principles, which form its essential character; instead of receiving an impress from the things around it, should impart to them its own vitality, energy, and truthfulness. Was there ever a time when more than at the present we required men, alive to the importance of these principles, and prepared to act upon them? Have not our past declensions as a Church and nation arisen very greatly from neglect of these? Must not our hope for the present and the future, rest upon this, that He who makes nations great by giving them great men, will be pleased, in answer to many a fervent pious prayer, even now to WEDNESDAY, JULY 7, 1847. [PRICE 3d. -and it is the curse of the world. But Rome and tions and counsels, the Holy Father feels as- THE POPE'S PROCLAMATION. A liberal Pope will not long maintain his power in Italy. Popery and freedom are deadly opponents. After a brief struggle between Despotism and Liberty, the tyranny of the Pontiff would be overturned, and his power, as regards his temporal dominions, yet more reduced, The first year of his Pontificate is over, and the paternal heart of his Holiness is grieved at the excessive expense incurred by the people in public demonstrations, and proceeds to ask a proof of the people's love to him, by a cessation of all unusual popular meetings, on whatever occasion. The truth is, some exciting placards have recently appeared in Rome, on a festive occasion, and the Pope, fearful as to the results, has issued a Proclamation, published by Cardinal Gizzi on the 27th ult., in which his Holiness, after alluding to the reforms which he had felt it his duty to intro confound these Meetings with those which have Cardinal Gizzi then says that the Pope does not taken place for the manifestation of gratitude for the benefits which he has bestowed upon the people, and that his Holiness is deeply sensible of these demonstrations, and implores God to bestow the most perfect blessings upon them; but he adds :"The paternal heart of his Holiless suffers deeply at seeing entire populations and individuals incessantly put to expense for public demonstrations, artisans abandoning their labour to the injury of their families, and youths destined The heart of his Holiness would suffer still more if to study losing time which is precious to them. this state of things were to continue. The first year of his Pontificate is over, and in this period of time the Holy Father has been able fully to appreciate the love, gratitude, and devotedness of his wellpraiseworthy sentiments, and this proof must conbeloved subjects. He now asks a proof of these raise up and bring forward those, who shall seek to duce, declares that he intends to persevere in the sist in the cessation of all unusual popular Meetings, legislate for the nation, and officiate in the Church, in accordance with what is Constitutional, and Protestant in government-and scripturally Christian in religion? same course, but to observe, in so doing, wisdom and prudence. The Proclamation says: "His Holiness is firmly resolved to pursue the course of amelioration in every branch of the public administration which may require it; but he is These principles tell us, that what is morally equally resolved to do this only on a prudent and wrong can never be politically right,-that what is calculated gradation, and within limits which belong essentially to the sovereignty and the temporal scripturally false, can never be theologically true. government of the head of the Catholic Church-a How often have the claims of duty been post-government which cannot adopt certain forms which poned to those of party! How many even now linger in doubt between patriotism, and interest ! Gladly would we see all these trammels rent asunder-and all our Protestant friends, lay and clerical, acting in their proceedings in this world upon the principles enunciated in the inspired writings of eternal truth; principles which alone can receive the blessing and approbation of Him who is the Sovereign Ruler of the universe, and who, as far their power is concerned, counts all the nations of the earth but as the small dust upon the balance. Much may be urged by theologians-who would unprotestantize our Church; much by statesmenwho would unprotestantize our nation, in favour of concession and conciliation towards Popery. "Vain wisdom all, and false philosophy!" Concession has not appeased;-conciliation will not tranquillize;-supremacy will not satisfy. The subjugation, most abject;-the extinction of Protestantism;-the annihilation of scriptural truth,-if that were possible;-this alone will appease Rome. Of this we feel satisfied. Popery has blighted Ireland-is withering England would ruin even the existence of the sovereignty, or at least diminish that external liberty-that independence in the exercise of the supreme primacy for which God willed that the Holy See should have a temporal principality. The Holy Father cannot forget the sacred duties which compel him to preserve intact the trust that has been confided to him." After enumerating some of the reforms and ameliorations that he has introduced, the proclamation proceeds : "The Holy Father has not been able to see, without deep regret, that certain restless minds are desirous of profiting by the present state of things and ideas totally contrary to his maxims, or to to promulgate and endeavour to establish doctrines impose upon him others entirely opposed to the tranquil and pacific nature and the sublime character of the person who is the vicar of Jesus father of all Catholics, to whatever part of the Christ, the minister of a God of peace, and the world they may belong, or finally to excite in the minds of the people, by speeches or writings, desires and hopes of reform, beyond the limits which his Holiness has indicated. As these persons are in small number, and the good sense and rectitude which govern the great majority of the people have hitherto rejected these insinua on whatever occasion, and all extraordinary manifestations, except those for which, anterior to the present notification, permission had been received from the competent authorities." LETTER TO LORD JOHN RUSSELL. The Bishop of Cashel has published an admirable letter to Lord John Russell, on his refusal to give a share of the grant for education to the Protestants of the Established Church in Ireland. The following pungent extracts will be read with interest. After advocating the diffusion of education, the Bishop of Cashel observes, have watched your proceedings with much interest, "The friends of scriptural education in Ireland of your Lordship's character for honesty and fair and in proportion as they had formed a high opinion dealing, were full of expectation and hope. We heard from your mouth, and that of your colleagues, the very language with which we ourselves had condemned the system of the National Board, and its attempts at combined education, and had argued in favour of a separate grant for scriptural education. "We had made the objection against attempting to force combined education-we had denounced it as impracticable-we had condemned it as requiring a sacrifice of all religion. You borrowed the arguof our mouths; and we surely had reason to hope ment from us-you took almost the very words out that, when in principle you were brought over to our opinions on the subject, you would not refuse us the benefit in practice. "I ask your Lordship, in the face of the public, and the face of justice-loving England, Can you, in the British houses of Parliament, maintain such principles, prove them to be sound, and act upon them in England, and then act upon the very opposite in Ireland? "1,700 of the clergy of the Established Church in Ireland were only a little in advance of you; they were beforehand in approving the system you have adopted in England, and condemning that which you are now become wise enough to condemn. 1,700 of the clergy can adopt the very words of Sir G. Grey, -'to establish entirely a new system of education, disregarding the divisions of the country upon matters of religion-disregarding the schools established in connexion with different denominations, and endeavouring to bring all the children together with one system of education, by which they would grow up in harmony, peace, and good-will. Such a plan would be impracticable: it would meet with no cordial acceptance by any one denomination of Christians, or by that House. The earnest religious feeling of the people of this country would oppose an absolute bar to combined education, because it could only be effected by the exclusion of all religion.' These words of Sir G. Grey express better than any words which I could select, the principles which have influenced and do influence 1,700 of the Irish clergy; and I ask you to say, is it common justice to consider it a crime in them to say in Ireland what you have felt yourself constrained by right reason to say in England? Are you to put these 1,700 men under a ban, because they spoke before you did, the very language which you now speak? because they had wisdom to see what you and other Statesmen had not seen; and because they bad principle to maintain what you now know to be wisest and best, when it was against their interest to do it? And will you make those men the objects of your favour, who were either mistaken or weak enough to approve what you now have declared to be impracticable, or being wise enough to see, as well as their brethren, the evil of the system, were unprincipled enough to join it at the nod of those in power? I thought this was impossible. When I read the strong plain language of you and your colleagues, I felt it was impossible that you could say one thing with regard to Ireland, and another with regard to England: and I did expect that you would have sanctioned separate education in Ireland; and when you do not contemplate it as practicable or desirable to force members of the Established Church, and Dissenters, to be educated at the same school, you would not try to force Protestants and Roman Catholics to be educated together, though it can only be effected by the exclusion of all religion. But in spite of your own argument, you have declared that you will not support separate education in Ireland. "You justify your decision by saying, that the revenue of the Established Church in Ireland appears to me sufficient, not only for the support of the beneficed clergy, but also for the encouragement and maintenance of a scriptural system of education.' "I feel assured, my Lord, that a thinking public will never give your Lordship credit for the honesty that has generally been ascribed to your Lordship, in thus putting your refusal upon this ground. "His Grace the Lord Primate of Ireland has stated the simple fact that the income of the parochial clergy, even if duly received, would not afford to each of them an average sum of 2001. per annum. Your Lordship would not say that this income is sufficient, not only to maintain a gentleman and his family, as clergyman of a parish, but to maintain within it a scriptural system of education. I was for nearly thirty years rector of a parish, the income of which was originally 4001. per annum; when the bill for the relief of the clergy passed, and substituted a rent-charge in the place of tithe, I was relieved of twenty-five per cent., and had 300%. per annum. There were five schools in that parish; three maintained by the landed proprietors, and two entirely at my own expense. I would ask, was the income of this parish sufficient to support the clergyman, and maintain the schools? Had I had no other income, the schools must have fallen to the ground. But I dismiss this part of the case, because there are facts enough to prove that a supposed sufficiency of the fund of the Established Church is not the new are and for refusing a grant. "Lshall trouble you with my reason for this conviction If you really considered the revenue of the Established Church sufficient, you would have so organised the National Board that the members of the Established Church should be left to their own sufficient resources, and not allowed through "Amongst the persons connected with your Govern- "Will you after this expect the public to believe your Lordship to be honest in putting forward the sufficient revenue of the Church as a reason for not giving a grant for the education of the Protestants in Ireland? No, my Lord, it is no matter of money; it is a matter of principle. In England you wisely wished to improve and increase the education of the people, and you rightly proposed to supply public money in order to attain a public good. In Ireland you do not desire the improved and increased education of the Protestants, and therefore you refuse the *The Bishop of Cork has since given a parish to Mr. Brady. money. You would give an unlimited sum of money to un-Protestantize the Protestants of Ireland, to make them join the Roman Catholics in their very worst error, and that which is the support of all their other errors, that of taking the Scriptures out of the hands of the people. If the Protestants submit to this un-Protestant principle, you will never tell them that the revenue of the Established Church is sufficient, not only for the support of the clergy, but for the maintenanance of a Scriptural system of education. How can you then expect that you shall be considered honest in this reason for your refusal? But you mention another reason;-"The great majority of the people of Ireland being Roman Catholics I should not think it advisable to make a provision for education, from which their children were excluded, either by law or by regulation." I cannot conceive that the thinking public will consider your Lordship more honest in this assigned reason, than in the former; and the evidence against you in this case also is taken from your own acts. I would premise that the Church of England schools in Ireland to which you refuse to give aid, have no rules to exclude Roman Catholics, have no regulations as in the Church of England schools in England, requiring all the children to be instructed in the formularies of our Church. They give peculiar Church of England instruction to the children of the Church only; and if the Roman Catholics are excluded from the schools, it is simply by the regulation which requires the Scriptures to be read by all the children. They exclude themselves on account of the regulation requiring the Bible to be read in every school, just as the Protestants exclude themselves from the schools of the National Board, because the Scriptures are not read by the children in the school hours. There are conscientious objections on both sides which prevent a combined education of Protestants and Roman Catholics. In England the Roman Catholics, a small minority, ask for a grant for separate education; you have professed yourself willing to grant it; you have not said to them, "The great majority of the people of England being Protestants, I should not think it advisable to make a provision for education, from which their children were excluded, either by law or by regulation." But in Ireland the minority ask for a grant or education, and you refuse them upon a principle which you have repudiated in England. The cases are literally parallel: you act one way in England, and another way in Ireland. I ask your Lordship, is this fair dealing? Is this honest? The only difference is, as far as this principle is concerned, the minority in England is Roman Catholic, the minority in Ireland is Protestant. The minority in England seek education in a system which you have sworn to be superstitious and idolatrous; and you have professed yourself ready to grant their petition. The minority in Ireland seek education in what you profess to believe to be true and profitable; and to justify your refusal, you put forward a principle which you yourself violate in favour of those in error. Pause and consider what you are doing. If a Roman Catholic minister should agree to grant separate education to the Roman Catholic minority in England, and then when asked to do the same for the Protestant in Ireland, should refuse to do it, and give as his reason as you have done, because they are a minority, what would be said of his equalhanded justice? And is it less unfair dealing because the Minister professes to be a Protestant? I can, my Lord, feel for the difficulty of your situation; you cannot tell your real reason, and yet you must give some reason; you have really nothing that you can say, and yet you must say something. Pardon, my Lord, my plainness of speech: is there not a cause? You insult that Word of God which I value. You inflict an injury upon the class of persons to which I belong. You ill-use that Church, of which I am an overseer, and I cannot be silent. I have the honour to be, my Lord, Your Lordship's obedient humble servant, ROBERT CASHEL, &C. Right Hon. Lord John Russell, Waterford, June, 1847. THE BRITISH MUSEUM.-Mr. J. Payne Collier has been nominated Secretary to the Commission for inquiring into the management of the British Museum. DUBLIN. REPRESENTATION OF THE CITY. A numerous Meeting of Protestants, convened by public advertisement, was held on Monday week in Whitefriars' Hall, to consider the course which the electors ought to pursue with reference to the choice of candidates for the city at the forthcoming general election. At half-past eight o'clock, the chair was taken by THOMAS H. THOMPSON, Esq., and the proceedings having been commenced with prayer. The Rev. T. D. GREGG then rose to address the Meeting, which, he said, had been called together for the purpose of securing the adequate representation of their voice in the imperial Legislature; and the whole question before them was, as to their existing representatives and any alteration that might suggest itself with respect to either or both. He thought there never was a moment in which clear views and decided conduct were more demanded by the exigences of Ireland and the necessities of all its inhabitants than the present, and he believed that not only the necessities of Ireland called for a definite and firm line of conduct, but the interests of the empire at large were at stake. (Hear.) They could not conceal from themselves that there had been for a course of years a surrender of Protestant rights and a constant series of concessions to Romanism. The concessions may be said to have commenced before the year '29, but they need not go beyond the passing of that Bill in their present consideration. At that time the Protestant Parliament was thrown open to Roman Catholics, who were admitted there on very distinct pledges that they would abstain from exerting the power conferred upon them as legislators to the injury of the Protestant Church, and for the overthrow of the constitution as it existed; but since the time they were admitted to the present moment they had made incessant attacks on the Protestant Church and incessant encroachments on Protestant privilege. He distinctly gave it as his opinion, that the repeal of the union, by the great originator of the Repeal agitation, was a subordinate consideration. (Hear, hear.) He really believed, that in point of fact, he never did contemplate the Repeal, for which he professed to agitate. The position of Roman Catholics in the Imperial Legislature gives them a power of advancing their designs against the liberty of the entire world, such as they never could enjoy in a local or provincial Parliament, as that of Ireland would be. He believed if the repeal of the Union were effected to-morrow, the British Parliament would be thereby rendered to a great extent Protestant-to a very great degree divested of anything like sympathy for the interests or feelings of Ireland, as a country, and that there would be a Parliament in England governed, perhaps, by English feeling alone, but certainly by exclusively Protestant sentiments. In a short time they would have the British Protestant legislature involved in a struggle with the Popish Parliament of Ireland, which would crush Popery by bringing the two nations into a condition of warlike collision; and consequently he was persuaded that no wise and thinking Papist would advocate the Repeal of the Union, if he contemplated advancement of the interests of his religion by its obtainment. No; the Repeal of the Union was mooted, not in order to obtain that repeal, but that the agitation for it might be made to work against the interests of the Protestant Established Church. (Hear, hear). The Repeal of the Union was demanded simply in order to trample on the Irish Church. That was its obiect, and they saw that to be its result. Vast numbers conceived the Repeal of the Union to be a tremendous alternative, and regarded the concession of the Irish Church as a very convenient tub to throw to the whale, and consequently English members, a great number of them totally ignorant of Ireland, had been induced by the agitation for Repeal to clamour for the downfal of the Church in Ireland. That was what O'Connell contemplated. By the agitation ten bishoprics were annihilated-the Protestant coporations destroyed the nefarious and unscriptural system of national education established, and other concessions to Popery procured. Repeal was made the stalkinghorse for Protestant overthrow and Protestant oppression, and it never was set on foot for its own sake at all. Consequently it was an agitation, if they looked upon it in its true point of Mr. BATTERSEY seconded the Motion, which was supported by a Protestant elector, and unanimously adopted. view, for the overthrow of Protestantism in operate in procuring the redress of wrong inflicted Mr. Thompson was then moved from the chair, Mr. Battersby was called thereto, and the usual vote of thanks having been passed, the Doxology was sung, and the Meeting separated. NOTTINGHAM. (From the Second Edition of the Nottingham MONSTRATION IN FAVOUR OF PROTESTANT This evening (Thursday), a Meeting of the electors and other inhabitants of Nottingham, was held in the Exchange Hall, which was crowded to excess, having been called for the purpose of hearing a lecture from the Rev. R. P. Blakeney, on the sin of making concessions to Popery, and on the desirability of sending such representatives to Parliament as will pledge themselves to resist all future concessions in favour of Romanism. At half-past seven o'clock, the Rev. W. Clementson was called upon to take the chair, who opened the Meeting with singing, reading the 4th chapter of St. Paul's Epistle to Timothy, and with a brief prayer. He then introduced the lecturer to his audience. The Rev. R. P. BLAKENEY, upon presenting himself, was greeted with repeated rounds of applause. He said they would all allow, that they had arrived at a great crisis in the history of Protestantism, a crisis which must be considered as affecting the nation itself, for England and Protestantism were intimately connected. (Hear, and applause.) Before he entered into the great subject which would ultimately occupy their attention, he would, however, for a few minutes review some of the attempts which had been made to re-establish the Papai dominion in England. Fearful was the struggle which took place when, after many attempts, England succeeded in casting off the yoke of Rome. And that yoke, be it remem bered, was a terrible one. Henry the Second felt its effects, and King John so crouched under its tyranny, as to suffer his crown to be kicked from his head by the representative of the Pope. Where then, he would ask, was that independence of character which appeared to be indigenous to the British soil? It is true that it was then subdued, but it was |