terment. This not producing the desired effects, he pronounced a sentence of excommunication against me in the year 1208. This was followed about three years after by another Bull, absolving all my subjects from their oath of allegiance, and ordering all persons to avoid me on pain of the same displeasure. But in the year 1212 he assembled a council of his cardinals and prelates, deposed me, and declared the throne of England vacant. He then wrote to the King of France to undertake the conquest of Britain, and unite it to his for ever. At the same time he sent out another Bull, exhorting all Christian princes to second the expedition, promising all who did, the same indulgence he had granted for fighting against the infidels. that I, with all other kings and princes whatever, were obliged by a Divine command to submit to the authority of the Pope, in all political and civil matters, as well as religious. I answered him in terms expressive of contempt. He rejoined with more arrogance than ever, and in that famous Bull, Unam Sanctam, which he published at this time, he asserted that Christ Jesus had granted a twofold power to the Church, or the spiritual and temporal sword to him. And also that he had subjected the whole human race to his authority, as Roman Pontiff, and that all who dared to disbelieve it were to be deemed heretics, and stood excluded from all possibility of salvation. And he maintained, in express terms, that the universal Church was under his dominion. rigorous conditions imposed on me, they added, that | in the high-ways, without the ordinary rights of in- | haughtiest letters imaginable, in which he asserted I must forfeit the kingdom if within the space of a year I was not restored to the Church, and delivered from the anathema that lay on my head. When things came to this extremity, and grew worse and worse every day, I was advised to go into Italy and implore, in person, the clemency of the Roman Pontiff. I yielded to the ignominious counsel, passed the Alps amidst the rigour of a severe winter, and arrived in the month of February, 1077. Immediately I repaired to the fortress of Canusium, where the prisoner, as the pretended sanctimonious Vicar of Christ, at that time resided with a young woman named Matilda, Countess of Tuscany, and the most powerful patroness of his Church. At the entrance of this fortress I stood three days in the open air, without the least regard being paid by the prisoner to my situation. My feet were bare, my head uncovered, and my only raiment was a wretched piece of coarse woollen cloth, which was thrown over my body to cover my nakedness. On the fourth day I was admitted into the presence of the lordly Pontiff, who, with much difficulty, granted me absolution, but he refused to restore me to the throne till the Congress met. After this, my eyes being enlightened to discover much of his wickedness, I opposed him with force of arms to he utmost of my power. I therefore was by him x communicated a second time, and Rodolph was declared lawful Emperor. My arms, however, were yet victorious; I slew Rodolph in battle, and took the Pope prisoner. But being betrayed by my own son, I was compelled to resign my crown. Boleslaus II., King of Poland, sworn. Q. What name do you know him by? Q. Did he ever presume to usurp authority over you in Poland? A. He did. I was legally elected to the throne by the nobles of Poland, and as regularly crowned. But some time after, through the death of one of his bishops, the prisoner not only excommunicated me, but also hurled me from the throne, dissolved the oath of allegiance, which my subjects had taken, and by an express and imperious edict, prohibited the nobles and clergy of Poland from electing a new king without his consent. Leopold, Duke of Austria, sworn. Q. Did not the prisoner at the bar excommunicate Henry VI., Emperor, sworn. A. I was. Q. Did he do it in the name of the Vicar of Christ? A. He did. Alphonso X., King of Galicia and Leon, sworn. Q. Did not the prisoner at the bar excommunicate and anathematize you, by the name of Pope Celestine III? A. He did; it was on account of a marriage into which I had entered. John, King of England, sworn. Q. Of what religion are you? A. I have long professed the Roman Catholic religion, though I have differed much from the prisoner on account of his base conduct towards me. Q. Will you relate to the court what you know of the prisoner's assumed authority over you, as the Vicar of Christ, &c. The French monarch obeyed the prisoner, and collected a large army for the invasion, while I did all I could to repel it. But when at Dover I met his artful legate, he so terrified me, by the report he gave me of the strength of the French army, and the disaffection of my own, that I agreed to a shameful submission, and resigned my crown to the legate. I then took an oath of obedience, and delivered up my kingdom to the Papal jurisdiction. I was also obliged to promise for myself and heirs, to pay an annual sum of 700 marks for England, and 300 for Ireland, and that in case any of my successors should refuse to own the Pope's supremacy over England, or should object to pay the submission then required, they should forfeit their right to the British crown. In doing homage to the Pope, before his representative the legate, I presented a large sum of money, which he trampled with all the arrogance possible under his feet, as a mark of my dependence; but not satisfied with this, he retained my crown and sceptre five days, and then gave them to me, as a special gift from the prisoner, then called his Holiness the Pope of Rome. Cross-examined by Mr. Jesuit. I then assembled together the peers of France, in the year 1303. And although several princes had failed in the attempt to check his ambition, I resolved to try. I ordered William de Nogaret, a celebrated lawyer, to draw up accusations against him, publicly charging him with heresies, simony, and many vices, and demanding a council to depose such an execrable Pope. Immediately after this he excommunicated me and all my adherents. So far from being terrified by the thunders of the Vatican, I looked upon them as a mere brutum fulmen, and I again assembled the states of the kingdom, to sit in judgment upon him. which I sent William de Nogaret, the lawyer, to seize him and bring him a prisoner to Lyons. Boniface, who then lived in perfect security at Anagni, was taken agreeably to my orders by this resolute man; but being rescued by the inhabitants, he soon changed his name, through the illness occasioned by the rage into which the lawyer had thrown him. (To be continued.) REVIEWS. After Q. Did you not publicly declare, when you signed Popery subversive of Christianity.-Six Sermons, by the Rev. W. G. Cookesley, M.A., one of the the conditions on which you received the crown, Assistant Masters of Eton College. Second Edition, that you had neither been compelled to this measure by fear or by force, but that it was your own pp. 160.-Eton: E. P. Williams; London: Hatchard and Son. voluntary act, done by the advice of the barons of the kingdom? A. I acknowledge I did sign such a declaration, but my long resistance proves it was never my voluntary act. The barons also despised me for what I did. But such was the confused state of things in England, that I was glad to sign anything. Philip, Duke of Suabia, sworn. Q. Was there not a dispute between you and A. There was; and the prisoner did presume to Q. Did the prisoner at the bar justify your claim, A. Yes; he sanctioned my claim, and supported Philip Augustus, King of France, sworn. Frederic II., Emperor, sworn. Q. Did you not take a very active part in the A. Yes; I had the command of an army given Q. Did not the prisoner excommunicate you, under the pretext of disobedience to his authority as Vicar of Christ? A. He did, by different names. Philip, King of France, sworn. A. When I knew the prisoner he went by the name of Pope Innocent III. At that time he ordered the Monks of Canterbury to choose one Stephen Langton, a cardinal, to be archbishop, after a regular election had been made by the convent, and confirmed by me. I objected to his being received, and wrote to the prisoner informing him of the consequences, in case he persisted in his demand. He then sent orders to some of his bishops to lay the kingdom under an interdict, unless I received Lang-when you knew him? ton. Such was my ignorance of real religion, and in so deluded a state was nearly the whole of Europe, that I was unwilling to break off entirely my connexion with him. I therefore agreed to confirm the election made at Rome, but not making such concessions as the prisoner demanded, the interdict was proclaimed; all the places of worship shut up for three years, and the dead were buried Q. What name did the prisoner at the bar assume Q. Will you relate to the Court what you knew A. About the beginning of the fourteenth century, when the prisoner was known by the title of Pope Boniface VIII., he sent me one of the We rejoice to see works on this subject multiplying. It will be again, as before it has been, the turning point in the history of our Church and our country. The application of the old adage μεγα βιβλιον, μεγα Kakov, a great book is a great evil, is here avoided. In the course of the first Sermon, Mr. Cookesley treats of that all-absorbing and fundamental work of 1. The Atonement. 2. The Eucharist. 3. The Worship of the Virgin Mary and the Saints. 4. Of Confession, Absolution, and Prayers for the Dead. 5. Of the Supremacy of the Pope. We rejoice to find that this work has reached a Tracts for the Times, No. 17. The Scripture Doctrine The name of Mr. Birks is of itself a recommendation. The tract has only just now come to hand, but the subject is one to which we have long been alive, and hope to refer to more fully in our next. The Malta Mail of the 25th ult., says :— "We have just received intelligence from Kurdistan that is rather discouraging. It is said that in an engagement with the Kurds, the Turks have lost about 3,000 men. Bederhan Bey was at Van, and report says, that he is strengthening that fortress for his defence. The Turkish Government is, however, still very sanguine in their expectation that this chieftain will soon be brought to terms, perhaps relying on the number of their troops, not considering the difficulties the country opposes to their bringing Bederhan Bey to terms." THE POOR-LAW.-We believe we may state, on undoubted authority, that it is the intention of Mr. Borthwick to insist on the re-insertion of the clause in the Poor-law Administration Bill, prohibiting the separation in Unions of couples above sixty years of age, whenever that Bill shall be brought down in its altered form from the Upper House. We need hardly say, that we wish the Hon. Gentleman every success in his humane attempt to resist his "gallant" opponents in both Houses-Times. WAKEFIELD. ENDOWMENT OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CLERGY. TO THE EDITOR OF THE BRADFORD GAZETTE. Sir, I sent for insertion in last week's journal a letter which I received from Mr. Sandars expressing more fully his views on the subject of Popish legislation than he had previously done. I hope you will not fail to give it a place in your paper of to-morrow. As to the comparative claims of the honourable candidates on the Protestant electors of this borough, I regret that in one particular both gentlemen come short of what many of us conceive to be due to the interests of true religion at the present crisis. Neither will accept of a thorough Protestant pledge. The ground indeed of their refusal is different, but the refusal in both instances is equally explicit and peremptory. Mr. Sandars refuses because though agreeing with us in sentiment he is opposed to all pledges. Mr. Alexander refuses because he cannot bind himself to a particular portion of the pledge proposed. Mr. Sandars says, "I am in principle with you, in so far as opposition to Popery, both religious and political, is concerned; but I will not give a promise either on this or on any other subject." Mr. Alexander says, "I have no objection to a pledge, and will pledge myself to oppose all religious endowments; but I cannot promise to resist all the advances and claims of Popery." In this position of affairs as between the two candidates, the pledge to which many thousands of Protestant electors in different parts of the empire, and of various political creeds have solemnly bound themselves, ceases in so far as this borough is concerned, to have any obligation. The spirit of it will, indeed, still guide every enlightened and consistent Protestant; but as a formal engagement it is, under existing circumstances rendered void. Had either of the candidates accepted of it, our course of duty would have been plain, and might have been followed without much difficulty. The pledged candidate would have commanded our support even had we been compelled to forego our fondest and most cherished political predilections. As matters now stand the case is different. In so far as the pledge is concerned, electors are free to do as they please; but if the letter of the pledge be abolished, the spirit of it still remains; and this I have confidence will govern not only those who have subscribed it, but many Protestant electors, whose adherence from want of time and other causes has not been solicited. The candidate who in his declared principles and known character presents the surest guarantee of maintaining in Parliament a sound and effective resistance to Romish aggression, in whatever form that powerful and subtle foe may assault our national Protestantism, is the man who should now command our vote. I rejoice to think that the number of persons who agree in this, is rapidly increasing, and that so far as this borough is concerned, they will, in the event of a contest, which now appears certain, be able to decide the election. For my own part, I do not hesitate to say that Mr. Sandars in his disclosed views has greatly the advantage of his opponent. He is equally with Mr. Alexander opposed to the endowment of Romish error, and that on much better grounds; but beyond this he will defend the Protestant constitution of the country, which Mr. Alexander on the ground both of his peculiar views as a Friend and of his extreme political liberalism is willing to surrender. Having met with one or two members of the Society of Friends, who seemed to me, notwithstanding their peculiar opinions, to be lovers of our Protestant constitution, I did hope that Mr. Alexander might have been induced to take a position, which would have admitted of the support of conscientious Protestants, whether Churchmen or Dissenters. The intercourse, however, which I have had with him, both in public and in private, has destroyed the last remnant of any such hope; and I am satisfied that his return for this borough would be the addition of another Member to that party in Parliament, composed indeed of all classes of politicians, who are lending their power to destroy the Protestantism of the constitution, and thus, whether knowingly or not, to prepare the way for the ascendancy and supremacy of Rome. I am, Sir, your's, &c. Westgate, July 1, 1847. JOHN MACLEAN. alarm has been given, the ecclesiastical trumpet has sent forth so uncertain a sound, or a note so feeble, that it has been almost unheeded, if not unheard; and those who sought for reasons to avoid the conflict have availed themselves of that uncertainty, or feebleness of sound, to excuse themselves from coming forward and desiring the advance of Christ's pure religion throughout the As patriots, and as Christians,-as lovers of our own country, globe, we deplore this sad state of things hinted at rather than described. We subjoin the letter from Mr. George Sandars, | to which Mr. Maclean refers in the foregoing communication. We have always felt convinced that the public declaration of Mr. Sandars, "that he was on principle opposed to the endowing the Ro-to the battle. man Catholic clergy, or to any grants for the purposes of promoting the Roman Catholic religion," was a sufficient guarantee of his future conduct in Parliament without the exaction of a direct pledge. We have no doubt that a careful consideration of the question will induce all those electors who may have been under any slight misapprehension on the subject, to follow the example of Mr. Maclean, and strenuously support the return of Mr. Sandars. The following is the letter alluded to: "Alverthorpe, June 14, 1847. "Dear Sir,-In reply to your letter of the 12th instant, inviting me to attend a lecture, to be delivered (D.v.) on the evening of Thursday next, by James Lord, Esq., 'On the Encroachments of Popery,' &c., and there to express my sentiments on the subject of further Popish legislation; fearing my absence from home (having to be at Cheltenham on Wednesday next), and other engagements, may prevent my attendance, I beg to submit to you the opinions I hold on this important question; first, I will thank you to read to the Meeting my former declaration and letter to the Rev. W. Tait, and then my opinion as to resisting all further claims and advances of Popery.' These, I presume, are not intended to include the grant for educational purposes to the Roman Catholic schools. I am decidedly in favour of such grants; but not for the purposes of promoting religious error; and should the Roman Catholics refuse to accept of it on the condition of their using the authorized version of the Scriptures, then, such is my opinion of the importance of educating the Roman Catholic children, that I should support a grant for purely secular education. "If I am asked whether I would support a measure for increasing the power and authority of the Jesuits, or support a measure like that of Mr. Watson's, I say at once, I should not. I bold most of the clauses of that Bill to be highly objectionable, particularly those for the repeal of certain portions of the Roman Catholic Relief Bill. I consider that Act of 1829 a solemn compact, defining on what terms the Roman Catholics of this country were to stand with respect to civil and religious liberty, and I am not disposed to support any measure for disturbing that settlement of this important question. "I am, dear Sir, your most obedient servant, "GEORGE SANDARS. "To the Rev. J. Maclean, Westgate, Wakefield." Mr. Sandars, in his address, says: "Having now proceeded so far in my canvass as fully to justify the expectation expressed in my last address, of the confidence I felt in the support of the electors of this borough, I have now to add that my progress has exceeded my most sanguine anticipations, and leaves no doubt on my mind that through your kind suffrages I shall be triumphantly returned to Parliament at the ensuing election. "I beg most sincerely to thank my friends for the generous support they have promised me, and to the electors generally I desire to express my obligations for the courtesy shown to me. "Another candidate having offered himself for the distinguished honour of representing you in Parliament, I have only further to state, that when the period arrives for the election, I SHALL GO TO THE POLL, and give every elector an opportunity to record his free and independent vote." ministers of our faith, and to respect the office, even where we cannot approve the policy or principles of those who, in the providence of God, have been called upon to exercise the functions of their respective offices. Our religion makes us loyal to the Crown,-to revere the But shall we be bound hand and foot and delivered over to Popery? Will the Protestants of this country witness without strong remonstrance the efforts now being made to reconcile their country with Rome? We believe we know they will not. What, then, is to be done? From theologians who mislead, and from statesmen who betray, we turn to the Protestant Electors of the United Kingdom. With them, under God's blessing, it rests to say, by their votes at the approaching Election, whether Popery shall be endowed or encouraged by us. To them we say, Your own interests, and those of your children, are at stake: you and yours must suffer if bad laws are made; the more so, as you When laws are framed by human authority, not sanctioned by, have the power of returning those who may make good laws. but opposed to the laws of Him by whom alone kings reign and princes decree justice, they are sure to bring down not a blessing but a curse upon those who make them. We have assisted in replanting the tree of Popery uprooted by blight upon the peace, happiness, and prosperity of the country. our ancestors, and its baneful shadow seems rapidly bringing a Several constituencies have recently avowed their Own conviction of this, and announced their determination to return cities and borough towns follow the example of Liverpool, ManWhy should not other chester, Exeter, Reading, Bodmin, &c.? Protestants faithful to their cause. To assist our brother Protestants in carrying out this work the "Protestant Elector" is announced. It is for them we labour, which shall with brevity and faithfulness chronicle passing not for ourselves; and if they value the existence of a journal events, and seek to promote the great cause in hand, they will see the importance of aiding this publication. Let those, then, who approve the object announced-the principles on which we would have the policy of this yet great nation conducted-let them aid us with their best energies,-let them circulate our paper, let them assist us with their literary and pecuniary con tributions. The work is great-and the time is short,-the crisis urgent. By prompt, prayerful, united, energetic efforts, much good may yet be done through the Divine blessing, and much evil averted. It has been resolved to publish a Protestant journal three days in a week, for fourteen weeks, with an especial reference to the approaching General Election. Those desirous of aiding in this movement are requested at once to intimate their willingness to do so by becoming Subscribers. the amount for the fourteen weeks will be but 10s. 6d., it is hoped It will be obvious that there is no time for delay; and as that some friends of the cause in every Borough town, County, and division of County, will at once forward their names as Subscribers. Orders to be addressed to the Publisher of "THE PROTESTANT ELECTOR," care of Mr. Macintosh, Great New-street, London. Post Office orders to be made payable in the name of the Publisher, William Macknight, 3, Shoe-lane, Fleet-street, London. NITY of LONDON ELECTION.-The follow MAN, Esq., and Alderman JOHNSON :- Romanism to be one of such vital importance as to call for a full and explicit communication between candidates and constituents. We consider the past declarations of Lord John Russell to imply that whenever the public repugnance to such a measure shall abate he will feel bound to propose a national endowment people are silent at this election it will be argued that their reof the Romish priesthood in Ireland. And we fear that if the pugnance has abated. Our opinion of such a measure may be fitly stated in the last words of the late venerable Dr. Chalmers, who left it as his deliberate judgment that the endowment of Romanism by the State would be ruinous to the country in all its interests." Our deep conviction of this solemn truth will, we trust, excuse us in urging upon you the necessity of an explicit declaration of your (Signed by several Electors.) To which the following replies have been received:Nicholas-lane, July 6, 1847. My dear Sir,-In reply to the inquiries of yourself and other sentiments and intentions. friends respecting the course which I should think it right to take with reference to any grant which may be proposed in Parliament for the endowment or extension of the Roman Catholic Church, I beg to remind you as a matter of fact that, in the present Parliament I voted from my own conscientious conviction against the Maynooth Endowment Bill, at a time when such a course involved me in opposition to a leader with whom I had long cordially acted. Subsequent reflection has confirmed me in the conviction that I acted rightly, and, if re-elected as a representative of the City of London, I shall feel it my duty, regardless of all party or personal considerations, to resist strenuously any measure having for its object the encouragement or endowment of the Roman Yours very truly, Catholic Church. JOHN MASTERMAN, 19, Aldermanbury, July 7, 1847. Gentlemen,-In reply to your letter, which I had the honour of receiving this morning, urging upon me the necessity of an explicit declaration of my sentiments and intentions with regard to any measure that may be proposed for the endowment of the Romish priesthood in Ireland, I have no hesitation in declaring my determination to oppose any such measure to the utmost of I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, my power. Your obedient servant, JOHN JOHNSON. 15. ROMAN PROTESTANT ELECTOR. PROTESTANT ASSOCIATION.-SPECIAL EXIGENCY.-Those who are friendly to the Protestant Cause are invited to enrol themselves Members of the above Association, or to forward Special Donations to the account of the Treasurer with Messrs. Williams, Deacon, and Co., 20, Birchin-lane; or to the Office, 11, Exeter Hall. It is par ticularly requested that all Post-office orders may be made payable in the name of the Collector, Arthur William Stone. Subscribers of 10s. a-year are entitled to a copy of the "Protestant Magazine." It is particularly requested, that all Orders may be addressed to the Assistant Secretary, and all Post Office Orders to be made payable in the name of Mr. Arthur William Stone. 8. ENGLAND the FORTRESS of CHRISTIANITY. By the Rev. G. CROLY, LL.D. 45th 1000. 1d., or 7s. per 100. 20. ROMAN CATHOLIC QUESTION.-Speech of M. T. Sadler, Esq., M.P. for Newark, 17th March, 1829. 3d., or 20s. per 100. 24. The DANGER of ATTENDING POPISH CHAPELS. 19th 1000. 3s. per 100. 28. SETTLEMENT of the CONSTITUTION in 1688. 3s. per 100. 35. BEWARE of POPERY, By the Rev. HUGH STOWELL. 3s. per 100. 36. A WARNING to PROTESTANT PARENTS against sending their children to schools kept by Roman Catholics. By the Rev. B. RICHINGS. Fourth Thousand. 3s. per 100. 38. The CHURCH of ROME proved to have the marks of Antichrist. By the Rev. 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CITY OF LONDON ELECTION. No. VI. Many are surprised at the manifestation of Protestant feeling in the City of London election movements. We confess we do not share in that sur prise, any more than we do in the surprise of those who wonder that the feeling is not stronger, or more strongly evinced. Many are in what geologists would term a transition state. The old barriers of party are broken down. The garment of Conservatism has been rent to atoms: it will scarcely cover the man who wears it; and from its tattered fragments appear measures and policy which really belong to the Liberal. The Liberal would recede from Radicalism, the Conservative from Toryism; and the moderate of the two parties might make a third, if it were not for the question of Protestantism. MONDAY, JULY 12, 1847. formed by accession of power to an imperious despot, whose bidding they must now perform, or be crushed beneath it, as it soars to the ascendant. The paper proceeds then to give Lord John's letter of 1841. It were amusing, if it were not awful, to see how the Protestant Premier of this Protestant country appeals to Roman Catholics to infer from his past conduct his willingness to do almost all they can require. What we may fairly ask, are Roman Catholics the only party to be courted-are Protestants the only party to be despised? It was "What passed between Roman Catholics and Lord John on the occasion of that election, 1841, is on record. They applied to know whether he would vote 'a proportional share of all educational grants to the Catholic subjects of this realm, whether at home or in the colonies, together with a perfect freedom from religious interference on the part of those who have the management of those grants.' He was also asked whether he will not merely vote for these measures, but will use active exerThis cause finds friends and traitors in every tions on all fitting and reasonable occasions to promote their speedy accomplishment.' His answer shade of politics, and in every class of religionists. was in writing, signed with his own hand. The Tractarian, who, as by some chemical-as is the character of the man, both moral and process, would discharge from our Constitution the physical-curt and contumelious. die of Protestantism which is engraved in its very nature; and the Dissenter, whose dislike to Establishments obstructs the clearness of his perception as to distant objects, and prevents his seeing that in destroying the Church of England, he is destroying the shield which protects him from the Church of Rome,-these, the Tractarian and the Dissenter, starting from different points, and with different ends in view, are alike aiding the cause of Popery. It is the feeling of those who are but, as it were, now for the first time, turning their attention to the subject, and find it worthy of their attention. It says "London, June 26, 1841. "Gentlemen,-With reference to your communication received to-day, I can only say that I duct since I have been in Parliament would have should have thought that my whole political conmade it unnecessary for me to make any explanation of my views with respect to those professing rights, without disqualification on the ground of the Roman Catholic religion-the equality of civil religious faith. which my future independence of judgment would "I cannot pledge myself to specific votes, by be fettered.-I have the honour to be, gentlemen, your very faithful servant, "J. RUSSELL." After a long digression the writer proceeds to say: "The City Catholics had before them Lord John's A Roman Catholic organ is most vehemently in- well-known character for bigotry, his bigoted acts dignant with Lord John Russell. only then recent, and some other doubtful points of behaviour which we have not space now to dwell on. His answer to their question, whether he would "At the present moment, indeed, of all the Metro-actively support the Catholics in procuring an equal politan boroughs, the City is by far the most im- share of the education grants, was also before them. portant to Catholic interests, inasmuch as there is He referred them to his past life? and unless his not only to be a contested election there, but one of letter was, like some of his other acts, a lie and a cheat, the candidates is the Prime Minister: that very he intimated an intention to do what they required. Prime Minister who has so recently insulted, Accordingly the City Catholics voted for him, and cheated, and defrauded us; and who by these by their votes procured his return to Parliament." insults and treacheries has rewarded the confidence too abjectly reposed in him by the Catholic voters at the last election." Lord John will not go fast enough for them, thongh far too fast for us. Gladly would he make a stand; but he dares not,-as one who has made a compact with an evil spirit for a temporary good, becomes its victim and its slave-so Lord John and his compeers seeking to make Popery subservient to their cause, have found a tyrant where they sought a slave; and behold a fawning sycophant trans "Of the Liberal candidates for London Lord John is, so far as we know at present, the only tainted and unwholesome personage. Some of the candidates seem to deserve well of the Catholic voters, or will at least put themselves in a position to deserve well. Baron Rothschild has been distinguished for his munificence to Catholic charities, and it will well become the Catholics to mark their feeling on behalf of Emancipation by giving their votes to this Jewish candidate, if-as we doubt not-his explanations appear to be satisfactory." Here we see Romanism will side with the Jew, no less than with the Socinian or infidel, to accom [PRICE 3d. plish its own elevation and the suppression of Protestantism. Yet, whatever be the alliance made by Popery in Protestant England-however she here holds out the hand of fellowship to those who differ from her communion, woe be to the Jew, or Socinian, or infidel who in Spain, Italy, Portugal, dares to oppose her absolutism. The writer further proceeds "Sir George Larpent seems also disposed to act justly. In the Tory list are three Exeter Hall fanatics, and though no Catholic elector can vote for such people, yet our friends in the city should bear in mind that if by withholding their votes they cause the rejection of Lord John Russell, the Catholic cause will gain more by the lesson read to the Minister than it will lose by the presence in Parliament of any miserable anti-Catholic enthusiast. One fanatic, more or less, is of no great importance, but to convince the fanatic Whig Premier that we are in earnest, is of the greatest possible moment. "But, at all events, one thing is clear. The Catholics of the City, if they have common sense, will unite together, come to some common understanding, agree in the explanations to be demanded of their candidates, and resolve once for all to give their votes to no man who will not give them in return a full and effective assurance of honourable support in Parliament." Let Protestants take a lesson from this. Let mount importance,-that he who touches it touches them show there is one thing with them of parathe apple of their eye,-and that is-their national Protestantism. If in Liverpool Lord Sandon has withdrawn from than to risk merited defeat for his desertion of the a field where he could not secure victory, rather Protestant cause ;-if in Manchester Lord Lincoln, having sounded, found it not safe to trust his frail bark, loaded with Tamworth merchandise, against the deep full tide of Protestant feeling there ;-if in Oxford Mr. Cardwell has withdrawn, and Mr. Gladstone may be defeated for his sympathy with Rome, and his neglect of Protestantism;-if in Lancaster, Mr. Greene, Chairman of the Committees of the House of Commons, is likely to be rejected for a like cause ;if in Cambridge, Mr. Goulburn forfeits the reputation of a life ;-and in London, Lord John Russell, the Prime Minister of the day,-a man of noble birth,-cultivated mind,-vast experience,notwithstanding all,-is told by a majority of votes that the electors of the metropolis regard him, as Sir Robert Peel was regarded at Oxford in 1829, as disqualified to represent them,-these will be so many lessons read to statesmen of the present day, and of succeeding generations, that the path of duty is the path of honour ;-and however some may regret to inflict the merited castigation upon Noble Lords and Honourable Members for their which should be granted next year. grievous political delinquencies, they will but | vote during the present session for the education of EDUCATION OF ROMAN CATHOLICS. There is an old proverb, and there is much truth in it," Straws show which way the wind blows." To those who watch the progress of events-the animus of various proceedings, whether in trivial or momentous matters-an abundance of proof will arise to show whither tends the policy of Statesmen of the present day. Their fancies and their aversions; what they patronise, and what they condemn, alike bear testimony to this. In the short paragraphs of Parliamentary intelligence now before us, we have an abundant corroboration of the views we have expressed. There is a Society called the Protestant Association, established in defence of the Protestant institutions of the empire in Church and State. From any approbation of the proceedings of that Society, or any assimilation of feeling with those who take a part in it, from any approximation to the policy it advocates, it seems to have been the peculiar boast and effort of statesmen to keep entirely free; to manifest, if not to express, their disavowal. Its petitions have been scouted-its addresses treated as nothing-its remonstrances despised its name, its objects, and advocates derided. There is another Society, called "The Catholic Institute," to which conduct of the very reverse nature is evinced. Unlike the Protestant Association, its object is to destroy our institutions, and erect Popery on their ruins. Yet, in favour of its objects, the leading statesmen of the day can present Petitions, with it the Prime Minister can place himself in correspondence. Truly, the clamour and the intrigue of Popery have done much,-the treachery of Protestant leaders has done more; whilst the apathy evinced by too many Protestants has encouraged the treachery of pretended friends, and the clamour of foes. Is it not time that an end were put to this? In the proceedings in the House of Commons on Thursday evening, "Mr. V. SMITH presented a Petition from Roman Catholics of Northampton, praying that Roman Catholics might be allowed to participate in any sum voted for the purposes of education. "Sir R. PEEL presented two Petitions to the same effect from Leicester, and from a place in Staffordshire. "Mr. V. SMITH asked the Noble Lord at the head of the Government to state to the House whether the Minutes of the Committee of the Council of Education on the subject of the education of Roman Catholics was prepared, and would be laid upon the table of the House before the dissolution of Parliament ? Lord J. RUSSELL said, he feared that he would not be able to lay the minutes of the Committee on the table before the end of the session. He had placed himself in communication with the Catholic time ago, and had received from the Let electors bear this in mind. Let them resolve, REVIEWS. The Duty and Necessity of Letter III. "Why do we sit still? Assemble yourselves." After giving a graphic description of the nature "First, then, in regard to the form of the union. respecting the upper ranks in society to meet the public eye, other hand, the middle ranks of society, from the honest yeoman down to the industrious Church going operative, and attachment to Protestantism, in some form, will be found to be the rule, a contrary feeling the exception. "We must, then, fall back from the no Protestantism of the aristocracy, and the pro-Popery of the sanctuary, to the Protestantism of the million. Here exists the great national coal-field of Protestant strength. In this unwrought mine, to whose unfathomed depth no shaft has yet been precipitated, is to be found her sleeping combustion, her latent heat, her dormant power. Here the steam of her moral and political strength may be evolved in ample supply, and all that is wanted is an approit to the springs of legislation. priate machinery to collect, condense, and conduct "In considering the mere question of organization the writer, after much thoughtful reflection, ventures to suggest the plan of simultaneous parochial organization. Let then, every Protestant who is assentient to the principles which have been advocated, put to himself these simple questions :-To what extent can I influence the formation of a district or parochial electoral union? What individuals of local influence can I engage in the undertaking? What number of electors can I persuade to enter such an association? These questions may be entertained by both the peer and the peasant, and if faithfully put, and honestly answered, they would immediately originate a Protestant movement in every parish in Great Britain, and go far to convert the attached membership of the Church of England into a canvassing agency. The number of electors at first enrolled might bear but a fractionary proportion to the franchise of the borough or division; but the moral and political influence of such nuclei, directed to the simple point of Protestant representation, would soon be felt to be irresistible. Let it be assumed, for example, that it would not amount to more than a fifth part of the registered constituency, even this proportion, showing at the poll, would, in five cases out of every six, decide the contest Protestant representative. It in favour of a is admitted by political men of the greatest experience in Parliamentary tactics, that fifty House of Commons acting Members of the consentaneously in support of a given line of policy would compel the strongest Ministry either to concede up to the limit of their demand or abandon its place; and it is not less certain that even a smaller proportion of the electoral body than has been supposed would reconstruct the House of Commons. Holding in its hands the scales of conflicting partisanship, the union, by its own weight, would generally be able to incline the balance in favour of principle; and even where it failed to do so, it would so essentially modify the sentiments and influence the conduct of the mere politician as to render them less hurtful to the interests of Protestantism. Large parishes, especially in towns, might be divided into wards, and each division committed to some one responsible individual, who should act as chairman. Small parishes, on the other hand, particularly in the country, might unite in the formation of a district union; and such unions might again be grouped in divisional aggregates, until they took the designation of the borough or county which they represented. "Such an organization would be to the inert mass of the national Protestantism what the vascular system is to the body. It would diffuse, in its most stimulant form, a life-giving current of vital principle, and thus create a healthy action of the whole membership. "In order to defray current expences, there should be a money qualification of membership, however small, say one shilling annually; but this subscription should not be allowed to interfere with free-will offerings to any amount on the part of such as can afford them. "Such unions as have been described would contemplate two distinct objects. The first would refer to themselves; the second to the candidates. In Institute sohat body an answer entirely concur strongly-in the opposite direction. But, believing as he does, regard to the union itself, three things ought to be NE members of Should any be disposed to infer, from the estimate which he has formed of the present character and position of the aristocracy, in its relation to Protestantism, that his mind is imbued with a feeling of covert hostility to the order, he begs most unequivocally and most emphatically to state, that every inclination of his moral and mental nature, runs strongly-perhaps too that the mitre and the coronet, as well as the crown, are pillowed on the Protestantism of the Reformation, he believes there exist correlative obligations and duties; and when Protestantism is denied all sympathy from the rank, dignity, and wealth of which it is the natural pabulum, and which it yields its best strength to sustain and protect, the voice of honest and friendly remonstrance should be loudly lifted up in faithful warning, ere the voice of that utilitarian Liberalism, which would infinitely prefer a cabbage-garden to a flower-lawn, finds a responsive echo in Protestant feeling. kept steadily in view. First, the incorporation of soundly Protestant electors already in possession of the franchise. Secondly, close attention to the registry, including, of course, the exertion of all legitimate means to bring forward properly qualified individuals. Thirdly, the education of the membership in the true knowledge of Popery, and an acquaintance with the scriptural character and obli |