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than life itself, see that liberty of conscience is compatible with the Catholic Church-when they see that countries, though altogether Catholic, are possessed of as great liberty as their own land,-they will be less opposed to the principles of our holy religion; and thus, that which now operates as a great barrier to the conversion of this nation, will be taken out of the way.

"We beg to subscribe ourselves your Grace's most obedient subjects and servants."

I say that this thought is a most important one. You know what a blessing religious liberty is: why then should not Spain, Italy, and Portugal, enjoy it? Why should those who will not submit to the Romish Church be compelled to become refugees in other lands? I propose that a deputation should wait upon the priests, to solicit their signatures. But it is possible that they may sign it, having some understanding, afterwards, with his Holiness. But it is for you to wait the result, to see whether he will grant it. I have no hope of success; but it will serve to bring before you still more strongly the despotism of that religion which raises the cry of "Religious Liberty" in Nottingham. What is the conclusion of the whole matter? I have pointed out the despotism of Rome in the middle ages: I have shown what that darkness was which Luther dispersed I have shown that no instance has been brought forward of a Roman Catholic having been put to death for his religious opinions alone; whereas fifty millions of people have been put to death by the Church of Rome: I have shown that she forbids the exercise of the right of private judgment whereever she has the power: and I fear that she is altogether irreformable; that, like Cain, she is under a curse which will cling to her; that we can only cry, “Come out of her, my people, that ye be not partakers of her plagues."

Mr. Roberts, a native of Spain (recently converted by the instrumentality of the Wesleyans), came forward, and expressed the great pleasure with which he had heard the lecture; and stated some facts respecting the ferocious cruelty of the Carlist General Cabrera, who is a priest.

A deputation was then appointed to take charge of the petition to the Pope, and the meeting broke up.

THE TRIAL OF ANTICHRIST.

(Continued from our last.)

Henry VIII's Examination-continued. Q. Did he not after this anathematize, excommunicate and deprive you for rejecting his supremacy in England?

A. He did. Being instructed in the principles of Popery, I constantly looked at the prisoner's absolving power and unlimited indulgences. In the year 1533, I published a divorce with Queen Catherine, and married Anna Boleyn, without his consent. He would, no doubt, have granted my request, however criminal in its nature, but for fear of displeasing the Emperor of Germany, to whom Catherine was aunt. The prisoner gave judgment against me, not for doing what I did, but for doing it without his authority, as Vicar of Christ.

This proved the cause of my separation from him, for in the beginning of the year 1534, I issued an edict, rejecting his supremacy, forbidding any of my subjects to carry any money to Rome, or pay the Peter's pence (a common tax laid on countries that acknowledge the Roman Pontiff's authority.) I soon after chased out of England* all the collectors of this tax, and otherwise injured the coffers of the prisoner at the bar.

Q. What name did the prisoner go by then? A. By the name of Pope Clement VII. Afterwards Pope Paul III. was the name by which he was designated. Under this name he issued his thunderbolt of excommunication to deprive me of my kingdom, all my subjects of whatever they possessed, and to anathematize all my adherents. He also commanded all my subjects to deny me obedience,† and strangers to avoid holding com* The term bull-beggar, or boobeggar, a term often used to terrify little children, is derived from the practice of persons going about to get money in the name of Popes Bulls. "Well beloved subjects," said Henry VIII., "we thought that the clergie of our realm had been our subjects wholly, but now we have well perceived that they are but half our subjects; yea, and scarce our subjects; for all the prelates at their consecration make an oath to the Pope, clean contrarie to the oath that they make to us, so that they seem to be his subjects and

not ours."-Hall's Chron, 205.

merce with my kingdom; and all to take up arms
against me and my people, promising all who did,
our property for a prey, and our persons for slaves.
Q. In what year was this bull issued?

A. On the 17th of December, in the year 1538.
Joan, Queen of Navarre, sworn.

Q. Did not the prisoner at the bar presume to
exercise authority over you, as Vicar of Christ on
earth?

A. He did. During the sitting of the Council of
Trent, he frequently designed to accuse me as a
favourer of heretics; but as he met with some op-
position from the Emperor's ambassadors in the
case of Queen Elizabeth of England, he omitted to
bring the matter before the council; but in the
year 1503, he caused a visitation to be affixed on the
gate of St. Peter's Church at Rome and other public
He ordered me to appear
places against me.
within six months before his tribunal, to defend
myself, and show cause why I should not be de-
prived of all my dignities, states, and dominions;
my marriage made void and my children pro-
nounced illegitimate. I also incurred other pe-
nalties, declared by the canons against heretics.
I did not
He was then called Pope Pius IV.
obey his orders, and the King of France protected

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Christ?

A. He did. I had seen so much of the tyranny and cruel conduct of the prisoner during the reign of Mary, that I could not but detest both his name and government. However, my sister's Ambassador being yet at Rome, he was ordered to make it known that I had ascended the throne. The prisoner, then called Pope Paul IV., according to his usual arrogance, declared that England was held in fee to the apostolic see of Rome, and that I could not succeed to the throne as he had, by the name of Clement VII. and Paul III., declared me illegitimate. He also asserted that it was great boldness in me to assume the government of England without his consent; but said that as he was always desirous to show a fatherly affection, if I would renounce my pretensions, and leave the matter entirely to him, he would do all he could for me, with honour to the Apostolic See.

I treated his pretended fatherly affection with the contempt it deserved. The Parliament met, and all the laws made during the reign of Mary in favour of the Popish religion were abolished. The prisoner's supremacy was denied, images were taken out of churches, and the revenues arising from monasteries under the power of Rome, were forfeited to the nation. I was then considered as a heretic, yet such was his dissembling conduct, that in the year 1560, he invited me and my bishops to attend the Council of Trent. This he did when he was called by the name of Pope Pius IV.

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He issued his Bulls in the name of the nation.* Vicar of Christ, Prince over all nations and kingdoms, and assumed to himself authority both in heaven and earth.

Q. Did he change his name again, after he had assumed that of Pope Pius IV?

A. Yes; several times. His Bull to deprive me was signed by the name of Pope Pius V., and afterwards by that of Pope Gregory XIII.

Cross-examined by Counsellor Quibble.

Q. Did you not exercise unnecessary severity, and pass some very cruel laws against your Roman Catholic subjects, and were you not actuated solely by a hostility to their religion?

A. My enemies have laid this to my charge;but I was compelled to employ harsh measures in self-defence, for when I found that Popery was connected with civil disturbance, and that Jesuits and Romish priests came swarming into the realm, infusing poison into the minds of my subjects, and endeavouring per fas aut nefas to draw them from their duty to me as their legitimate sovereign, I adopted, of necessity, measures calculated to check the growing evil. Moreover, my life was often in danger, and several attempts were made to assasAnd I am quite satisfied, that the sinate me. conspirators were impressed with the conviction that they were advancing the glory of God, promoting the welfare of the Catholic Church, and acting in dutiful obedience to the Pope's Bull. The bonds of connexion between the sovereign and the subject were loosened by means of emissaries from the Vatican; and therefore certain laws were enacted, which gave great offence to my Roman Catholic subjects, who, as they could not serve two masters," gave the preference to the prisoner at the bar; and considered themselves justified in obeying his orders, at the expense of their allegiance to me, their lawful Queen. These laws, then, were enacted, not on account of their religion, but because I had reason to consider the Roman Catholics, and their clergy in particular, as promoters of rebellion, and ready to execute any and every plan, which would eventually deprive me of my throne.

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Henry III., King of France, sworn. Q. Are you Henry III., Sovereign of France, who was assassinated by one of the prisoner's emissaries, called a monk?

A. I am. The monk's name was Clement.

Q. When did you ascend the throne of France? A. On the death of my brother, who is known in history by the name of the sanguinary Charles IX. I had, previous to my ascension to the crown of France, been chosen King of Poland; but hearing of my brother's death, I with difficulty escaped to France, and quietly took possession of the throne, by the name of Henry III.

Q. Were you not king, when what was called the Holy League was formed by several princes, under the government of the prisoner, to attempt to annihilate the people called Hugonots from off the face of the earth, and at the head of whom was that noted agent of the prisoner, who spilt rivers of human blood, the Duke of Guise?+

A. I was. I remember the league called the Holy League, and recollect the infamous conduct of the Duke of Guise.

Q. Were you not supposed to favour the Hugonots, or Protestants, in opposition to the orders of the prisoner, and the league of the princes?

Q. Do you really believe that what this monk did was by order of, and with the prisoner's approbation?

After this he grew outrageous, and would have proceeded against me in this council, in the year 1563. but was prevented by the Ambassadors of the Emperor. However, he issued his Bull to anathematize and excommunicate me, and to deprive me of my crown, dominions, and title, and to absolve A. Yes, and the consequence was, one Clement, all my subjects from their allegiance. This Bull is daten April 27, 1570, and the following extract will a monk, under the authority of the prisoner, assassigive the Court and jury some idea of the character nated me in the year 1589. And the common of this most daring act of presumption :-" Sup-report throughout Europe was, that I died of the ported, therefore, by his authority, whose pleasure wound. it was to place us, though unequal to so great a burthen, in this supreme throne of justice, we do, out of the fulness of our apostolic power, declare the aforesaid Elizabeth, being a heretic, and a favourer of heretics, and her adherents in the matters aforesaid, to have incurred the sentence of anathema, and to be cut off from the And moreover, we unity of the body of Christ. declare her to be deprived of her pretended title to the kingdom aforesaid, and of all do minions, dignity, and privilege whatsoever." I have also to add, that some of the emissaries of the prisoner at the bar dared to fix that Bull upon the gates of St. Paul's cathedral, in my city of London, and also on the Bishop of London's palace, exhorting the English Roman Catholics to rise in rebellion He also pretended to against, and to assassinate, me. raise Ireland to an independent kingdom, and he did many other things highly prejudicial to the British

A. I do believe it, for when the prisoner was known by the title of Pope Sixtus V., he delivered a famous oration, in which he applauded this act of the monk, as both admirable and meritorious. +

*300 years have made but little change in the tactics of Popery.-[ED. Prot. Elector]

Historians inform us, that in the civil wars on account of

religion, above 1,000,000 of lives were lost, 150,000,000 livres spent, and nine cities, 400 villages. 2,000 churches, 2,000 monasteries, and 10,000 houses were burnt or otherwise destroyed.Vide Guth. Geog. France.

"Sixtus Quintus upon the 11th September, A.D., 1589, in an oration in a conclave of Cardinals, did solemnly commend the monk that killed Henry III. of France. The oration was and avouched for authentic by Boucher, Decreil, and Aneprinted at Paris by them that had rebelled against that Prince, clein; and though some would fain have it thought to be none

Henry IV., King of France, sworn.

Q. Did you succeed Henry III. to the throne of throne. Under the Parliament house was a vault,

France ?
A. I did.

throne?

Q. Did not the prisoner at the bar manifest considerable opposition to you, after you came to the A. He did. I professed to be an enemy to his government, and he viewed me as an heretic. The consequence was, I had to wade through almost innumerable difficulties, and was often driven, with my little court, to the greatest distress for the common necessaries of life.

Q. Were you not compelled to own the authority of the prisoner, and profess to be a Roman Catholic?

A. I was. I had experienced such a variety of vicissitudes, and had so many enemies to encounter, that I was led into this measure as a matter of prudence, my religion being the only obstacle in the way to the enjoyment of the crown of France in peace. Thus deluded, I went publicly to mass, and with great difficulty obtained absolution from the prisoner. This, however, produced wonders among the people, all France submitted to my sceptre, and I had now only Spain to contend with, an obstacle soon removed by my victorious army. Q. Was it not supposed afterwards that you had relapsed again into heresy ? A. It was. Having re-established tranquillity among my people, I caused an edict to be proclaimed, with the view of securing to my old friends, the Protestants, the free exercise of their religion, which decree is well known as the Edict of Nantes. The prisoner was much offended at this measure, and I was afterwards assassinated in the streets of Paris, by one of the prisoner's domestic servants, one Ravilliac, a friar, in the year 1610.

James I., King of England, sworn.

King of England, was to deliver a speech from the into which had been secretly conveyed thirtysix barrels of gunpowder, which were carefully concealed under faggots and piles of wood. This horrid conspiracy was kept a secret for nearly eighteen months, the conspirators being all sworn with what is termed a "Sacramental Oath." However, the kind providence of our most gracious Sovereign defeated their dark and diabolical designs, in such a visible manner, as to make it evident that the "Lord God Omnipotent reigneth." About ten days before the meeting of Parliament I received notice of their malicious plot, but search was purposely delayed till the night immediately preceding the intended meeting of the Legislative Assembly. A magistrate then, with proper officers, entered the vault, and found there one Guy Fawkes, who had just finished all his horrid preparations, with matches and everything necessary in his pocket to set fire to the train. He was immediately seized, when his countenance betrayed the savage disposition of his heart. He afterwards expressed his regret that he had lost the opportunity of destroying so many heretics, and made a full discovery.

He with a number of other conspirators were executed in different parts of England, among whom was one Garnet, a Jesuit, a devoted servant of the prisoner; and so deluded were other rebels who survived him,-that they were strongly impressed with the idea that miracles were wrought by his blood, and in Spain he is looked upon as a martyr. I have given but a brief account of their destructive plot, and the merciful deliverance of Almighty God. However it appears evident, that the prisoner's orders were obeyed by such as were connected with him in England, and that, in accordance with his Bull, they did their utmost to deprive

Q. Have you any knowledge of the prisoner at me of my throne, when they conspired to destroy the bar, as Pope of Rome ? A. I have.

Q. By what name was he called when you knew him?

my person, my family, and the Protestant Parlia

ment.

*So unchristian in their doctrines and practice is the order verb :

A. By several; but when he was called Pope of Jesuits, that the system has given rise to the following pro

Clement IX. I took most notice of him.

Q. Did he not publish a Bull against you previous to your being crowned King of England, with intent to deprive you of your right to the

throne ?

A. He did; he well knew that when I came to the throne I would never allow Popery to be encouraged in England, and that I would oppose his rebellious arms with all my might. He therefore issued a Bull to deprive me of my right to the crown, and commanded all the English Romanists to do their utmost to keep out the Scottish heretic, as he called me.*

Q. Did he publish this Bull, or rebellious proclamation, under the presumed title of the Vicar of Christ and Prince over all nations?

A. He did. He always acted in that character, before and after I came to the throne. The generality, if not all of his Bulls, are issued in direct conformity to, and with the injunctions and decisions of his conventions of rebels, called General Councils, of which the prisoner is chairman.

Q. When did you begin your reign in England? A. In the month of March, in the year of our Lord 1603.

Q. Was there not a plan laid by a considerable number of traitors, belonging to a secret society, headed by the prisoner, to destroy you and both Houses of Parliament with gunpowder, soon after you came to the throne?

A. There was. It will long be remembered by Protestants, and is known in history by the name of the Gunpowder Plot.t

I had ordered both Houses of Parliament to assemble on the 5th of November, in the year 1605. The Queen also and Prince of Wales were expected to be present, and I, agreeable to my station as

of his, yet Bellarmine (In resp. ad Apolog. pro Juram. fidelit.) dares not deny it, but makes for it a crude and cold apology.". Jeremy Taylor's Dissuasive from Popery. See also Spirit of Popery, chap. 8; and Sir R. Steele's Rom. Eccl. Hist. No. 3, 4.

*Pope Clement IX., in his Bull, enjoined the English Roman Catholics to do their utmost to keep out the Scottish heretic, that he may not in anywise be admitted into the kingdom of England, unless he would reconcile himself to Rome, and hold his crown of the Pope, and conform himself and all his subjects to the religion of the Romish Church.-Carte's Ormond,

vol. i., p. 33.

† See Act of Parliament relative to it, and passed in the third year of King James I.

"Haud cum Jesu itis, qui itis cum Jesuitis." Or thus, as we have seen it in the State Trials:"Qui cum Jesu itis, non itis cum Jesuitis."-Ed. P. E. (To be continued.)

POETRY.

THE IRISHMAN'S PETITION.

BY MRS. KENNY.

(From the Friendly Visitor, for 1827.)
When the famine was sore in our desolate land,
And pestilence threaten'd what famine had spar'd;
Our kind English brethren with bountiful hand,
Relief for our wants and our sorrows prepar'd.

For our late empty garners their harvests provide,
O'er our limbs the warm garment their charity throws;
No kindness unthought of, no want unsupplied,
In full stream through our country their sympathy flows.
They ask not, they think not, if grateful we aim
Our sense of this brotherly bounty to prove;
Their pity our passport, and suff'rings our claim,
Their thought is but what may these suff'rings remove.
With industry, too, they would brighten our shore,

And their own peaceful arts to our children extend;
Task their wise and their noble our case to explore,
And for ev'ry affliction an antidote send.

And what lack we more? Can benevolence yield
What British benevolence yet has denied?
Can Christian philanthropy point to a field

By British philanthropy still undescried?
Then what lack we more? We lack that which alone
Can consecrate all that your bounty has given;
Can open our way to a Saviour's high throne,

And add to Earth's blessings the promise of heaven.
Yes! we lack that alone which can victory give
Over sorrow and sin, over death and the grave;
Which can say to the contrite, Look upwards and live,
Through him who has suffer'd the guilty to save.
"Tis true, o'er our land this bright record is spread,
Wherever your faith and your language are known;
In our dear native tongue it alone is unread,
And its pages still seal'd in our cabins alone.

Oh! then, while the Hindoo and Esquimaux share
The bounty that flows from the Line to the Pole;
Let your poor IRISH BROTHER not sink in despair,
And say,
"He finds no one to care for his soul!"

A farmer's description of the effect of the present favourable weather and the progress of the crops: We could not," said he, have managed it better ourselves, if we had the sun in one hand and a watering-can in the other."-Yorkshire Paper.

ELECTION INTELLIGENCE.

MIDDLESEX.-Colonel T. Wood is likely to meet

his deserts; for it is believed that Mr. Bernal Osborne is about to start for Middlesex.

EAST GLOUCESTERSHIRE.-Sir C. W. Codrington, Bart., in his address to the electors of the Eastern Division of the county of Gloucester, says, "The opposition which I gave to the increase of the Maynooth endowment, will assure you that I shall resist any other grants of a similar character." The Marquis of Worcester says, in his address," I am a firm supporter of the Established Church, and am opposed to any grants of public money for the maintenance of the Roman Catholic religion."

EAST SURREY.-The following correspondence has recently taken place between several electors of East Surrey and the present candidates, Mr. Locke King and Mr. Alcock :

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ΤΟ THE HON. P. LOCKE KING AND THOMAS ALCOCK, ESQ. "Sir,-As electors of East Surrey, whose votes are not pledged, and whose course is not determined, we beg to bring before you a question which will mainly influence our decision, and to which, in your published address, you have made scarcely any reference. The subjects which have chiefly occupied the public mind for the last ten years appear to have nearly faded away, or to have been in some way or other disposed of; and we look with very diminished interest on the mere possession of office by one or another set of statesmen. But there still remains undecided, and almost unopened, an important matter of controversy, towards which men's minds are becoming more and more attracted. The endowment of the Romish priesthood in Ireland this controversy which will first press for a deci appears to be the practical question connected with sion. In favour of such a measure several of the leading Members of the present Government have already declared themselves; and the same feeling has been avowed by some eminent persons connected with the last Administration. On both sides it has been avowed that the public repugnance to the scheme is the chief and almost the only reason which deters our statesmen from proposing it. Clearly, therefore, it becomes our duty, if we regard such a proposition as objectionable and dangerous, to on the present occasion our public protest against it. We do not, however, wish to rest our opposition on so narrow a ground as is sometimes taken. It is not merely as a question of taxation, unjust or otherwise, or from any repugnance to the interference of the State in questions of religion, that we now express to you our dislike and dread of such a measure. It is rather on religious grounds, and with a desire that our Legislators should sympathize with the religious objection to the establishment of Romanism, that we would now bring the matter under your consideration. Regarding the whole system of the Church of Rome as one essentially Antichristian, and believing that it was not without just cause that our forefathers established certain safeguards against the re-establishment of Papal authority among us, we should be glad to know that in any discussion of these great matters which may arise in Parliament, your votes will be given in defence of the Protestant character of our Constitu. tion; and especially that you will withstand any attempt to endow the Romish priesthood in Ireland, whether the funds be drawn from the public purse, or from the ecclesiastical revenues, or from any other source whatever.

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disposition not to prejudge things, and to take for granted there is more difference of opinion than there really may be. The question of the endowment of the Roman Catholic priesthood is the allabsorbing theme of the day, and having given it my best consideration, I am prepared to say that I am totally opposed to it or to any further grant to Maynooth. It is a matter of utter indifference to me by whom it may be proposed, but in any event I am totally hostile to such a measure. As regards my

feelings towards our own Protestant Church, I may, I think, advert with confidence to what I have done practically; and when I say that thirteen years ago I set on foot a church, and had the good fortune to see it consecrated, and a district attached to it within two years, and that now I am on the point of rebuilding the same, on a scale more suited to the requirement of the district, at my own sole expense, I may rest satisfied I think that my works may evince my faith.' I am not a little proud, moreover, of my school, which has been alluded to by the Bishop of Winchester, in his Visitation Charge. I shall be most happy to answer any further questions, and am with much respect,

"Faithfully yours,

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"THOMAS ALCOCK." HASTINGS. Mr. Robertson has now taken the field, and has been engaged in an active canvass. We hear he is a very decided Protestant, and is likely to be returned with Mr. Briscoe, who voted against the grant to Maynooth College. The following address has been put forth at Hastings. We insert it, in the hope that it may stir up Protestants in other towns to act at this crisis worthy of their паше :

them. Electors of Hastings! you have some voice
Let it be heard in the coming elec-
in this matter.
tion; and let the answer which it returns be-"There
shall be no State-traffic with priests and Jesuits!"
Consider well the candidates who are before us.
Take, first, the present Members, who both ask us to
choose them again. What have they been doing in
the House of Commons? We know that one of
them (Mr. Brisco) has voted against the Popish
schemes; and, no doubt, if returned, he will continue
to do so.

TO OUR SUBSCRIBERS.

Subscribers are requested to inform the publisher when any irregularity occurs in the transmission of their copies, as arrangements have been made at the office for the prompt and regular delivery of our periodical.

Our London subscribers should receive their

copies the day of publication, and our country subscribers by the following morning.

POST-OFFICE ORDERS.

We request our subscribers and friends to be very careful in informing our publisher of the exact Christian and surname of the party in whose name Post-office orders are made payable, as otherwise considerable difficulty will arise at the Postoffice. It will further diminish the labours of our publisher if all Post-office orders in our favour are at once given payable at the General Post-office, London.

INCREASED AND IMMEDIATE CIRCULATION.

The object of this journal can only be attained by an increased and immediate circulation. Our friends would greatly aid the object we have in view by ordering down copies for Reading-rooms, Libraries, Mechanics' Institutes, News Rooms, &e.

The important topics to which our columns are devoted, will thus be brought under the notice of those whose attention we wish particularly invited to them.

But what has Mr. Hollond done? He voted for the Maynooth Bill in all its stages. Yet he tells us, in his Address, that he has "contributed to redress the political grievances of the Irish by maintaining religious liberty." What an admirable farce! Mr. Hollond maintains "religious liberty" by multiplying Romish priests! He has helped to sow Romish priests broadcast over unhappy Ireland, and now stands expecting to see a crop of "religious liberty" spring up! What brilliant ideas start forth Who else ever heard, or even from Allegria! dreamed, of any connexion between Romish priests and religious freedom!-between religious freedom and priests who send their followers in Ireland to do penance by crawling with bare knees upon the stones ! It is high time Mr. Hollond should be relieved from Parliamentary duties, that he may have leisure to study logic before he again addresses It is high time, indeed, that he should no us. longer have a position which gives him power to legislate in behalf of Rome and Jesuit Colleges. Electors of Hastings! once more let it be repeatedLook to the Protestant cause! and defend it by your votes. Trust no candidate who merely (like Mr. Warre) tells you that he wishes to extend "civil and religious liberty." This is the language now "LOOK WELL TO THE PROTESTANT CAUSE! commonly used by the disguised advocates of the "To the Electors of Hastings and St. Leonard's, Romish Church; by those who desire to endow it, We shall soon be called upon to return two repre- or else to support Romish schools, and thus to put sentatives to a new Parliament. It is our duty, then, weapons into the hands of the sworn enemies of each to ask, What great principle ought I to main- true freedom and pure religion, Let the Dissenters tain at the present crisis? The common questions in this borough not be so unwise as to support any which used to be stirred are most of them laid to candidate who is indifferent or doubtful on the Prorest; the names by which parties were once distin- testant question. The Dissenters of former times guished have lost their meaning. The great, the knew better than this; they did not hold their reliabsorbing question now is, Shall Popery be ad-gion so cheap, as to thrust it aside and let politics vanced to further power and influence in this land, usurp its place, nor did they refuse their aid against or shall its efforts to throw down the defences of the common enemy. The Dissenters are well our Protestant faith be resisted and overborne ? assured that Popery is still the same: the recent Look what the present Parliament has done for persecution of Dr. Kalley in Madeira, whose house Popery. Through their good favour, the Romanist was broken into, whose property was plundered, or who asserts the Pope's supremacy in this realm, or destroyed, and who had to flee for his life from a who obeys the Papal Bulls, no longer incurs any savage mob set on by Romish priests, is only one penalty; while, to crown all, a fixed charge of among many proofs that Popery is unchanged. The 30,000l. a-year for Maynooth College is levied history of the Protestant Tahitian Mission, scattered upon us, in order to support and educate at the point of the bayonet by Romish France, and men designed for the Romish priesthood. its converts driven into the woods and mountains, Still more has been attempted in this same Parlia- tells the same tale, and teaches us that though ment. A Bill was lately introduced to allow Popish Popery trics in England to put on a fair outprocessions in the pubic streets: Romish banners, side, and to wear the robe of mildness and moderacrosses, relics, with the idolatrous Host, were to tion, yet that, beneath the garb which she craftily insult us on our highways; assumes, there lurk the serpent's deadly folds. Electors of Hastings! Be assured that Protestants have no aim in the approaching contest but what you ought to approve. They seek not the ascendancy of any party; they are not struggling about empty names. What they desire is, that the word of God, the only sure basis of liberty of conscience and religious freedom, should be honoured in our National Councils, and not be dethroned to make way for the inventions and frauds of men. They desire that the pure worship of God should be maintained, and that State encouragement should no longer be given to the worship of bread wafers, of saints, images, and dead men's bones. They desire that the chains of the Romish Church-the most galling and iniquitous ever known, because they enslave the man by first enslaving his soul-should not be fastened on their fellow-countrymen by the hands of the Government. Many of our cities and towns have already lifted up their warning against the inroads Like the of Popery. Let Hastings pass it on. beacons and watchfires kindled in former days on the hill-summits of England, when danger and alarm were abroad, let the same warning be taken up by one place after another, till it has run ronnd the land,-and let the watchwords be-" No Candidates who favour the Romish Church." "No En"No Grants of Public dowment of Popery." "No Government Money to Romish Schools." "LOOK WELL TO favours to Priests and Jesuits." THE PROTESTANT CAUSE." July 7, 1847.

"Friars,

White, black, and grey, with all their trumpery," were to parade before us; and a legal settlement was to be granted to the crafty, dark, subtle, and (when occasion serves) persecuting order of the Jesuits. This Bill was lost by no great majority, and if the electors of Great Britain do not bestir themselves, it will be revived with more likelihood of success. Encouraged by Parliamentary and Go. vernment favour, Romanism is spreading on every side, and laying its snares for the ignorant and unwary. Fifty years ago, there were not forty Romish Chapels in England: there are now, of Romish cathedrals, churches, and chapels, 622. There was not one college: there are now twelve. In most of our large towns and cities, the Romish Church may now boast of its thousands of followers. We will not speak of the "millions" in Ireland, who, under priests and agitators, are banded together against British government and connexion. But we have not only open enemies to contend with, There are many who pretend to be friendly to the Protestant cause, who are yet traitors to it. "Liberal" politicians, as they are called, range themselves by scores on the side of the illiberal," intolerant Church of Rome, and its work both in and out of Parliament. Most of our leading public men have said plainly that they will endow Popery, and open a regular intercourse with Rome, if (mark well the condition) if-the people of Great Britain will let

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A HASTINGS ELECTOR.

This may be done with the greater prospect of good in the borough towns.

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it ruins."

ADVERTISEMENTS.

PROSPECTUS.

HE PROTESTANT ELECTOR. "The Church of Rome may flourish in the country which The present times are most eventful. It is felt and confessed

by the wisest and the most experienced that a crisis is at hand. Popery,-ashamed of their past defeats,-but without manly

Our baffled statesmen, worn out by their long contests with

boldness enough to confess their errors and retrace their steps,seem resolved to rush for protection to Rome; and to call in the power of the Pope to aid in governing the subjects of Queen Victoria, rather than to throw themselves upon the Protestant energies of the country.

Our theologians,-in whom, by virtue of their sacred office, the majority of the people of this country have been wont to repose confidence,-have, with a few noble exceptions, instead of emulating the example of the Seven Bishops, stood aloof whilst the wolf was ravaging the flock. They have, unhappily, as a body, looked on in silence, if not in apathy; and even where the

alarm has been given, the ecclesiastical trumpet has sent forth so uncertain a sound, or a note so feeble, that it has been almost un

heeded, if not unheard; and those who sought for reasons to avoid the conflict have availed themselves of that uncertainty, or feebleness of sound, to excuse themselves from coming forward to the battle.

As patriots, and as Christians,-as lovers of our own country, and desiring the advance of Christ's pure religion throughout the globe, we deplore this sad state of things hinted at rather than

described.

Our religion makes us loyal to the Crown,-to revere the ministers of our faith, and to respect the office, even where we cannot approve the policy or principles of those who, in the providence of God, have been called upon to exercise the functions of their respective offices.

But shall we be bound hand and foot and delivered over to
Will the Protestants of this country witness without

Popery?
strong remonstrance the efforts now being made to reconcile their
country with Rome? We believe we know they will not. What,

then, is to be done?

From theologians who mislead, and from statesmen who betray, we turn to the Protestant Electors of the United KingWith them, under God's blessing, it rests to say, by dom. their votes at the approaching Election, whether Popery shall be endowed or encouraged by us. To them we say, Your own interests, and those of your children, are at stake: you and yours must suffer if bad laws are made; the more so, as you have the power of returning those who may make good laws. When laws are framed by human authority, not sanctioned by but opposed to the laws of Him by whom alone kings reign and princes decree justice, they are sure to bring down not a blessing but a curse upon those who make them.

We have assisted in replanting the tree of Popery uprooted by our ancestors, and its baneful shadow seems rapidly bringing a

blight upon the peace, happiness, and prosperity of the country.

Several constituencies have recently avowed their own conviction of this, and announced their determination to return Protestants faithful to their cause. Why should not other cities and borough towns follow the example of Liverpool, Manchester, Exeter, Reading, Bodmin, &c.?

To assist our brother Protestants in carrying out this work the "Protestant Elector "is announced. It is for them we labour, not for ourselves; and if they value the existence of a journal which shall with brevity and faithfulness chronicle passing

events, and seek to promote the great cause in hand, they will see the importance of aiding this publication. Let those, then, who approve the object announced-the principles on which we would have the policy of this yet great nation conducted-let them aid us with their best energies,-let them circulate our paper, let them assist us with their literary and pecuniary contributions. The work is great-and the time is short.-the crisis urgent. By prompt, prayerful, united, energetic efforts, much good may yet be done through the Divine blessing, and much evil averted.

It has been resolved to publish a Protestant journal three days in a week, for fourteen weeks, with an especial reference to the approaching General Election.

Those desirous of aiding in this movement are requested at once to intimate their willingness to do so by becoming Subscribers.

It will be obvious that there is no time for delay; and as the amount for the fourteen weeks will be but 10s. 6d., it is hoped that some friends of the cause in every Borough town, County, and division of County, will at once forward their names as Subscribers.

Orders to be addressed to, and Post Office orders to be made payable in the name of, the Publisher of "THE PROTESTANT ELECTOR," William Macknight, 3, Shoe-lane, Fleet-street, London.

PROTESTANT

ASSOCIATION.-SPECIAL EXIGENCY.-Those who are friendly to the Protestant Cause are invited to enrol themselves Members of the above Association, or to forward Special Donations to the account of the Treasurer with Messrs. Williams, Deacon, and Co., 20, Birchin-lane; or to the Office, 11, Exeter Hall. It is par ticularly requested that all Post-office orders may be made payable in the name of the Collector, Arthur William Stone. Subscribers of 10s. a-year are entitled to a copy of the "Protestant Magazine."

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Lecture II.-The ENCROACHMENTS of POPERY and the DUTIES of PROTESTANTS. Price 1s. 6d. Delivered in the Music Hall, Store-street, Bedford-square, London, on Tuesday Evenings April 20, and 27, 1847. By JAMES LORD, of the Inner Temple, Esq., Barrister-at-law. J. P. PLUMPTRE, Esq., M.P., in the Chair. Revised from the Shorthand Writer's notes.

A Cheap Edition is now ready. Lecture I.-Price 4d., or 25s. per 100 for distribution. Lecture II.-Price 6d., or 21. per 100 for distribution. In the press, MONTMORENCY: a Roman Catholic Tale. Reprinted from the "Protestant Magazine," with Introduction, by JAMES LORD, Esq.

Also, preparing for publication,

The VATICAN and ST. JAMES'S. London: Seeley, Burnside, and Seeley, Fleet-street; W. H. Dalton, Cockspur-street.

SELECTION FROM THE PUBLICATIONS OF THE PROTESTANT ASSOCIATION.

Established 1835, for the Defence of the Protestant Institutions of the Empire, in Church and State. following may be had through any BookPost-office order in payment.

THE

It is particularly requested, that all Orders may be addressed to the Assistant Secretary, and all Post Office Orders to be made payable in the name of Mr. Arthur William Stone.

8. ENGLAND the FORTRESS of CHRISTIANITY. By the Rev. G. CROLY, LL.D. 45th 1000. 1d., or 7s. per 100. 20. ROMAN CATHOLIC QUESTION.-Speech of M. T. Sadler, Esq., M.P. for Newark, 17th March, 1829. 3d., or 20s. per 100. 24. The DANGER of ATTENDING POPISH CHAPELS. 19th 1000. 3s. per 100.

28. SETTLEMENT of the CONSTITUTION in 1688. 39. per 100. 35. BEWARE of POPERY. By the Rev. HUGH STOWELL. 38. per 100.

sending their children to schools kept by Roman Catholics. By 36. A WARNING to PROTESTANT PARENTS against

the Rev. B. RICHINGS. Fourth Thousand. 3s. per 100. 38. The CHURCH of ROME proved to have the marks of Antichrist. By the Rev. HUGH M'NEILE, D.D. 3d., or 20s. per 100.

40, The POPE and POPERY EXPOSED in their present Power and Plots against the Religion, Laws, and Liberties of the Empire. A Speech delivered at Exeter Hall, May 10, 1843, by the Rev. R. J. M'GHEE. 4d., or 28s. per 100.

25. Sir ROBERT PEEL on the ROMAN CATHOLIC RELIGION. 18. per 100. Speeches of

26. EXTINCTION of PROTESTANTISM. Lord Arundel and of Mr. Plumptre. 1s. per 100. POPULAR SERIES.

1. DIALOGUE on MAYNOOTH COLLEGE, between John Search and Peter Surface. 1d.

2. The LYONESE MARTYRS. ld.

3. The CHILD'S BOOK of MARTYRS. Illustrated with many wood-cuts. Complete in fifteen monthly parts. 18. 8d. bound in cloth.

STANDARD PROTESTANT WORKS, 18mo.

By Popular Writers, in a cheap and attractive form. The Committee of the Protestant Association have already published, I. HISTORY of the GREAT REFORMATION. By the Rev. J. H. MERLE D'AUBIGNE. 18mo., cloth lettered, with Frontispiece, 4s.

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Also,

A STATEMENT of FACTS, respecting Instruction given to the Students at Maynooth College. By the Rev. A. S. THELWALL, Trinity College, Cambridge. Price 2d., or 14s. per 100. Nos. 1 to 7,

41. SPEECH of VISCOUNT BERNARD, M.P., in the PROTESTANT ELECTOR.

House of Commons, on the IRISH CHURCH. With Notes illustrative of the Early History of the Church in Ireland. 3d., or 20s. per 100.

42. ENGLAND'S CÆSAR. By the Rev. HUGH M'NEILE, D.D. 1 d., or 10s. 100.

per

43. POPERY at MADEIRA, or an account of the Persecution and Oppression of Dr. Kalley, and other Protestants, by the Portuguese Authorities of Madeira. By JAMES LORD, Esq. 3d., or 20s. per 100.

46. On the OATHS of ALLEGIANCE to the POPE taken by Romish Ecclesiastics. 3s. per 100.

48. OBSERVATIONS on the MORTMAIN LAWS, Act of Supremacy, or Popery opposed to National Independence and Social Happiness. By JAMES LORD, Esq. 3d., or 20s. per

100.

49. BRIAN SEERY. The CHURCH of ROME: Her Awfully Destructive Principles Practically Carried out and Irrefutably Established and Confirmed by the Canonization of Alphonsus Liguori, on Trinity Sunday, 1839.

50. ADDRESS of the PROTESTANT ASSOCIATION to the ELECTORS of GREAT BRITAIN and IRELAND. Duties of Protestant Electors. Questions to Candidates. 3s. per 100, or 17. per 1000.

51. CHALLENGE of the Rev. R. J. M'GHEE, to the ROMAN CATHOLIC ARCHBISHOPS of the FOUR PROVINCES of IRELAND. 3s. per 100.

52. PROTESTANTISM, RELIGIOUS and POLITICAL Speech of the Very Reverend Dean MURRAY. 2d., or 12s. per 100.

53. RELIGIOUS MOTIVES for OPPOSING the CONTEMPLATED ENDOWMENT of the ROMISH PRIESTHOOD in IRELAND, and the continued support of Maynooth College. 3s. per 100, or 17. per 1000.

54. THOUGHTS on the APPROACHING GENERAL ELECTION, seriously addressed to the consideration of all constituents. By Rev. GEORGE STANLEY FABER, B.D. 14d., or 10s. per 100.

55. Letter I.-BRITISH PROTESTANTISM, its present Position, Responsibilities, and Duties. By J. E. GORDON, Esq. 2d., or 14s. per 100 for distribution.

56. Letter II.-BRITISH PROTESTANTISM the First Step; or the question, "What shall we do?" answered. By J. E. GORDON, Esq. 14d., or 10s. per 100.

57. The OATHS TAKEN by PROTESTANT and ROMAN CATHOLIC PEERS and MEMBERS of PARLIAMENT. From "Protestant Magazine," January, 1847. By JAMES LORD, Esq. 3s. per 100, or 17. per 1000.

58. The PROTESTANT CHARACTER of the BRITISH CONSTITUTION. From "Protestant Magazine," January, By JAMES LORD, Esq. 3s. per 100, or 14. per 1000,

1847.

for distribution. 59. LETTER DEDICATORY to the Queen's Most Excel lent Majesty, on the Laws of the Papacy set up by the Romish Bishops in Ireland, in 1832. to Subvert the Authority of their Lawful Sovereign. By the Rev. R. J. M'GHEE, A.M. 4d., or 25s. per 100.

60. Letter III.-BRITISH PROTESTANTISM. GORDON, Esq. Price 14d., or 10s. per 100.

By J. E.

61. The POPES, PAINTED by THEMSELVES. With ten Impressions from Papal Medals. 2d., or 12s. per 100.

62. The DUTY of ELECTORS at the present CRISIS. Speech of the Rev. HUGH M'NEILE, D.D., at the Annual Meeting of the Protestant Association, 12th May, 1847. Price 2d.,

or 14s. per 100.

63. CITY ELECTION. Mercator's Letter to the Right Hon. Lord John Russell, M.P. 3s. per 100. HANDBILLS.

8. SINFULNESS of BEING PRESENT at POPISH CEREMONIES. Third Edition. 1s. per 100.

12. The POPISH CREED. Second Edition. 1s. per 100. 14. GUILT of ASSISTING POPERY. Third Edition. s. per 100.

15. AWFUL GUILT of the ROMAN BISHOPS. 1s. per 100. 16. MURDEROUS EFFECTS of the CONFESSIONAL. Third Edition. 1s. per 100.

20. LOYALTY and PATRIOTISM. 1s. per 100.

21. PLEDGES of ELECTORS and CANDIDATES CONSIDERED. By J. LORD, Esq. 1s. per 100.

22. The PERSECUTING and SANGUINARY SPIRIT of the CHURCH of ROME (Notes from the Rhemish Testament). 1s. per 100.

23. LAWS of the PAPACY, set up by the Romish Bishops in Ireland, in 1832, to subvert the authority of their Lawful Sovereign. 1s. per 100.

24. Dr. WORDSWORTH on the REPEAL of POPISH PENALTIES. 1s. per 100.

published, may be had at the Office. CONTENTS OF NO. I.

Our Views and Objects.
Position of Parties.
Pledges.

City of London Election.

Extracts from the Bordeaux Version of the New Testament, a Romish one.

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IS THE COUNTRY INDIFFERENT? Often the question is asked, Is not the country become indifferent to Protestantism? We know it is not. Facts, which are stubborn things, come continually before us, and compel us to answer the question in the negative.

It has wanted the signal of leaders to move. That signal has not been given. Leaders have stood aloof. The country is moving without them.

In proportion as the real designs of the Papacy are known, and the views of statesmen and theologians as to that dark and ruinous, and ere long to be destroyed apostacy, are developed, the people of this country are rising up to express their determined opposition to any pro-Popish policy.

In the north of England-whether we refer to Liverpool, Manchester, or Lancaster, such a feeling exists-manifests itself-strengthening every day. In Nottingham and Derby, it is growing more and more, in London it increases, in Kent, east and west, as well as in the borough towns of Deal, Dover, &c.

So too, at Birmingham, the questions asked by the electors, and responded to in the affirmative by the candidates, are with reference to Popery and

Protestantism.

Mr. Spooner, Mr. Muntz, Mr. Scholefield, and Mr. Sergeant Allen, all reply they will not endow Popery out of the national funds.

For more minute details, we must refer our readers to Election Intelligence.

In Bodmin, Protestant electors have exerted themselves nobly, and responded rightly to the appeal,-What is the question? by their resolve not to support a candidate who will support Popery. In Essex, the county and borough candidates have given to their constituencies, whose suffrages they respectively solicit, the satisfaction required, that Popery shall not be patronized by them in

Parliament.

We are justified, then, in saying the country is not indifferent.

From Lancaster to Kent, from Cornwall to Essex, in the midland counties, in the important towns of

Birmingham, Nottingham, and Derby, no less than in the Metropolis itself, where four candidates are in the field on Protestant principles, it is abundantly clear that the minds of the people are alive to the question.

It is a religious question which is now agitating the public mind. No power can put it down. The flame is kindled at a holier altar than human ambition, or worldly gain.

Electors are rising up in honest indignation ward of Cripplegate, of which an ultra-Conagainst those who have been practising the tactics servative and consistent Protestant might have of the enemy, and have sought to keep them in been supposed to say with reference to their ignorance of their movements till they were handed respective principles, Can any good come out of over to Popery. Cripplegate ?

Vain, then, are the assertions of those who would tell us there is no Protestant feeling in the country.

There is an intensely strong Protestant feeling, too deep, it may be, to be easily roused,-but, when roused,-too mighty to be resisted.

CITY OF LONDON ELECTION.

No. VII.

The Committee for conducting the election of Mr. Masterman, Alderman Johnson, Mr. Bevan, and Mr. Freshfield, complain of the Whig tactics.

Nor as it would appear without good cause. Every disposition was evinced on the part of the Conservatives to avoid a contested election. But the compromise once spoken of, has been broken off, and the determination on the part of the Liberals to monopolize the representation of the city has roused many from a dreamy apathy to active energy, in resisting the dominance of a party so dictatorial, -so arbitrary, may we not add so exacting, despotic, and unjust in its demands?

We could wish the address, which appears in our advertising columns, had been characterized by a more Protestant tone.

At the great Meeting, lately held in the City of London Tavern, there were no sentiments so loudly

cheered as those which were of a Protestant character.

Protestantism is the religion alike of Scripture, of

truth, and of liberty. It frees the mind from the chains of superstition; ennobles it with holy and just views of eternal as well as temporal objects.

Popery, on the other hand, makes ignorance the mother of devotion, debases the mind which it

enslaves.

Romish tyranny and arbitrary power have ever gone hand in hand, two of the greatest scourges that ever afflicted the human race.

Lord John may yet be rejected. The Meeting

in one of the wards evinced a strong feeling of dislike to him.

From the report of that Meeting, as given in a public journal, not the organ of the Conservative party, not devoted to Protectionist principles,-decidedly not friendly to the school of ultra-Protestantism,-in that journal-the Times newpaper-we find recorded the hisses, the groans, uttered against Lord John Russell, and that, too, in the

Well, Cripplegate has been appealed to-Cripplegate has pronounced. It has given a spontaneous exhibition of deep-seated feeling of dissatisfaction, which may already have made the Premier question the propriety of going to the poll. A few more such demonstrations would decide the question.

The Liberal electors of Cripplegate, it seems, would accept the Jew, approve Mr. Pattison, and even tolerate Sir George Larpent, notwithstanding his carrying Lord John Russell in his arms, and seeking to make himself acceptable thereby. But the name of Lord John Russell reused opposition. Roman Catholics-Dissenters-Protestant Churchmen,-all seem to denounce the Noble Lord, or to stand aloof from him.

When Sir George, for instance, to ingratiate himself with his audience, sought to conclude his observa

tions in the words of the Noble Lord at the head of her Majesty's Government, whose sentiments, in the absence of the Noble Lord, he (Sir George Larpent) sought to convey to them, there arose "great confusion," cries of "We don't want his sentiments," ," "cheers," "hisses," and "much confusion."

Again, when at the close of the Meeting a ReBaron Rothschild, Sir G. Larpent, and Mr. Pattisolution was put, recommending Lord John Russell,

son, as representatives for the City of London in the Liberal interest, great confusion again arose from the introduction of Lord John Russell's name.

The cry was, "Not Lord John," "We won't have

him," "The other three, but not Lord John." And though in this Meeting of what might be termed the Liberal and Ministerial party the Resolution was ultimately carried, the number of opponents was very considerable.

So again, at a Meeting held yesterday, of the electors of the ward of Bishopsgate, to consider the claims of the Liberal candidates, we find, as re

ported in the Times of this morning, as follows :—

"Mr. Pattison, on several questions having been put and answered, adverted again, amidst great uproar to Lord J. Russell. Sir R. Peel, he said, was in such a minority, that it was impossible for him to enter into office, and who was there to do so but the Noble Lord! (A voice-Yourself, Mr. Pattison,' followed by great laughter.) He entreated them not to shrink from Lord John Russell, a more honest and truly just man. for they might depend upon it there never was (Great confusion.)"

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