MEETING OF LORD J. RUSSELL AND HIS SUPPORTERS.

The great Meeting of Liberals was held yesterday, in the London Tavern.

Though great care seems to have been taken to secure a favourable reception for Lord John Russell, much noise and disturbance took place.

Had no more efforts been made to pack this Meeting than were made at the Meetings of the Ward of Cripplegate, and the Bishopsgate-street Ward, Lord John himself would have been received with not more favour than his name was on those occasions.

Time will show, and that very briefly, whether the Noble Lord and his friends are mistaken in going to the poll, if, indeed, they persevere in their intention of doing so.

There appears, if not a positive contradiction between portions of the Noble Lord's speech yesterday, and his reported speeches in the House of Commons,—yet a want of harmony, as if the two speeches were made to please two opposite parties, one to conciliate many in the House of Commons, who were in favour of endowing Popery; the other to please electors on the hustings who are opposed to it. From his expressions in the House, the reader would infer his readiness to endow the priesthood at once. From his speech yesterday, one would imagine he wished the impression to be conveyed,

that so far as he is concerned, there is no danger of Popery being endowed.

He is thus reported to have expressed himself on various occasions in the House of Commons :-*

WEDNESDAY, JULY 21, 1847.

[PRICE 3d.

the present moment is impracticable.'-(Times, July | Catholic hierarchy to spread their doctrine and dis17, 1846.) cipline in these islands.

Was not there enough in those declarations to justify suspicion and create mistrust? And now, when electors have taken the alarm, the same Noble Lord expresses himself as follows:

Churches, Romish chapels, and cathedrals, have been conspicuously built and consecrated, though certainly not with corresponding congregations. Titular distinctions have been publicly assumed. Tracts have been circulated, and an Institute founded,-the "Catholic Institute,"-with

"And now, gentlemen. I will only say further, that I think pledges which have been required on the subject of Roman Catholic endowment are peculiarly unnecessary (cheers), because, as far as I am the sanction of the Pope, in the metropolis, and acquainted, there is no intention of proposing any communicating with the provinces, for the purmeasure for that purpose to Parliament, nor do I know that there is any probability of its being pro- poses of proselytism; and no sparing vaunts are posed. (Cheers, and counter cheers.) Thus much, made of the success in their endeavours. gentlemen, I have said, but I must say further, with respect to all these subjects, that I think the Roman Catholics are fully entitled to all the privileges which the rest of the community possess, and that a man's religious opinions should be no bar to his obtaining that to which he would otherwise have a fair and just claim. (Great cheering.)"

It is not expected, however, that these efforts can succeed against a vigilant and prayerful people. Nor is any serious alarm entertained that the truth of Scripture will not prevail, or that anti-scriptural error, with which alone is the contest, will not fail. Thanks to the Protestant electors of London and Truth must triumph, though a Church or nation other parts of the country even for this. may suffer for its faithlessness. Humanly speakYet Lord John may be as friendly to the Roman ing, duty requires that human agency should be Catholics as he is to Baron Rothschild.

When the Baron is returned, will not Lord John

help him to retain his seat? And if Lord John is returned, and continues in office, will he not, too, help in the cause of Rome?

Protestant electors, to you we are indebted for the change of tone in the speeches of the Noble Lord. Go on in the good work upon which you have entered. Infuse into the House of Commons so goodly a leaven of sound Protestants, and Protestant principle, that Lord John and other statesmen may find it as expedient to adopt a Protestant policy in the House, as to make Protestant speeches in the hustings.

applied to resist the progress of religious error.

Under the free laws of our constitution, the

period of the election of Representatives in the Legislature is that which casts upon the electors the imperative necessity of acting upon those high principles which religion and patriotism call upon them to maintain.

Therefore, the electors of the City of London! the greatest city in the world! whose sentiments and feelings may have an influence in England and Europe; not only over Europe, but even over the remotest parts of the globe, are now called upon, in the face of Christendom, by the responsibility of their position, to exercise the elective franchise; to exercise it in such a manner as their duty and devotion to their country will warrant, and to prevent the possibility of success to the schemes announced for the national endowment and pos-posed to civil and religious liberty, and a great encouragement of Popery, a system which is opsocial evil wherever it predominates.

ADDRESS TO THE ELECTORS OF THE CITY OF LONDON.

The Imperial Parliament of England, Scotland, and Ireland, has, for many years, endeavoured to conciliate Popery. With a spirit of liberality it has made every effort to decrease the civil disabilities of the Roman Catholic subjects of this realm. It would seem in vain. Protestants are compelled to pause.

What has been the return for this liberal feeling? is the question they have now some time been asking.

THE LANCASTER ELECTION. There is in mercantile transactions,-there is in political warfare,-there is in theology, a greatness as well as a littleness of object,-a narrow and a comprehensive view.

Those alive to the magnitude and importance of the object before them, whilst they do not despise, do not bestow too much attention upon minute

Let every man answer this question honestly details.

It is impossible not to see that of late years ostentatious attempts have been made by the Roman

The great object casts minor objects into the shade.

In proportion to the grandeur of the object in

view, little things are permitted to repose in their own insignificance. When charmed with the immense prospect of the ocean, which stretches before the sight, who stops to count the bubbles which float upon its surface? When surveying the magnificence of mountain scenery, where, in grand sublimity, the majesty of nature rises to our view, who loiters to count the leaves upon the trees?

Thus in the grand object of circulating and maintaining Divine truth, in opposing the spread of Romish errors, and the increase of Romish influence amongst us, mere party ties and distinctions should be disregarded.

With reference to the Lancaster election, the cause is greatly indebted to Mr. Dodson and Mr. Bury for the efforts they have made. These Rev. Gentlemen have published letters in the Lancaster Gazette on the subject of the election. Viewing the imminence and greatness of the danger Mr. Dodson has thus expressed himself in his letter to Mr. Gregson, one of the candidates for the borough of Lancaster, as to the paramount importance of resisting the giant evil of the day, and being guided by Protestantism, the polar star of Eng. land:

"Sir,-We want Christianity-we want Protestantism-and, if Mr. Gregson will give us that-if he will give us our national Protestantism, we care for nothing else. I frankly and sincerely profess that, if Mr. Gregson had come to us as Protestant (" the very reverse of a Protestant" I must consider that man who will not, by word and deed, in Parliament or out, by every legal and Christian means, witness, protect, and contend for Bible truth, in opposition to Romish error), I say, had he come to us as a Protestant, I for one, would have accepted him, in lack of a better man, whatever else he had been. On all other questions I would have left him unfettered, and given him a 'carte blanche.' He should have gone to Parliament, as far as I was concerned, free as air, to unfetter commerce-to liberalize our institutions and to reform the Church Establishment to his heart's content-levelling if he pleased its hierarchy-adjusting its revenues-and admitting to their full and free enjoyment every Christian sect: nay, he might have imposed on the nation an income-tax that would confiscate half our property, or, if that would not satisfy him, all of it ;-I would have granted all to him, just in return for his Protestantism: assured as I am that, if this country is true to her God she will flourish, do what you will with her; and equally assured that, if she loses her Christianity, she will soon lose everything.”

THE DISSOLUTION.-We are enabled to state, upon authority on which the utmost reliance may be placed, that Parliament will certainly be prorogued on Friday next, and that the dissolution will be announced in the Gazette of the same evening. We believe that the writs for the election of Members for the new Parliament are already prepared, and will be dispatched to the various counties and boroughs by Friday's post.-Morning Herald.

POPERY REFUTED BY COMMON SENSE.-Some of the Irish are so enlightened, by Sunday-schools and Bible Societies, that they can exercise their reason on the abomination of Popery. One of them being the other day asked by his priest, a curate, why he did not come to confession,- "Please your Reverence do you ever confess?" "Yes, I do, to the Rector."" And do you pay?" "Yes."

"To

ROMISH CATECHISM IN ITALY.

We give the following from a work published by Messrs. Seeley, Burnside, and Seeley, Fleet-street. Can a system which thus, in works of instruction for the young, supersedes the plain commands of God by its own traditions, be intrusted by Protestants with the education of the people? Dottrina Christiana Breve composta per ordine Di Papa Clemente VIII. Dal R. P. Roberto Bellarmino, Della Compagnia Di Gesu, poi Cardinale Di Santa Chiesa. Riveduta ed approvata dalla Congre.. gatione della Riforma. In Roma, 1836. Presso Pretro ¡Aurelj, Stampatore e Librajo, in via dé Sediari, N. 24. Con licenza dé Superiori, e Privilegio. Si vende dal medesimo Librajo Sciolta baj, 2. legata in Castoncino baj, 3.

DE COMANDAMENTI DI DIO.

M. Veniamo ora a quello, che si ha da operare per amare Iddio, ed il Prossimo: dite i dieci

Comandamenti.

D. 1. Io sono il Signore Iddio tuo: non avrai altro Dio avanti di me.

2. Non pigliare il Nome di Dio in vano.
3. Ricordati di sanctificare le Feste.
4. Onara il Padre, e la Madre.

5. Non ammazzare.

6. Non fornicare. 7. Non rubare.

8. Non dir falso testimonio.

9. Non desideare la Donna d'altri. 10. Non desideare la Roba d'altri. M. Chi ha dato questi Comandamenti ? D. L'istesso Dio nella Legge vechia, e poi Cristo nostro Signore li ha confermati nella nuova.

TRANSLATION.

are blotted completely out of the Decalogue. Not a trace of the second commandment is to be found; for the fourth is substituted a command of the "Man of Sin," to remember to keep holy the days which God has set apart for labour, and which he has set apart for idleness and idolatry; while the day which God has commanded to be kept holy, he has not thought proper to mention. The original Bulls of Clement VIII. and Benedict XIII. are given to authenticate the work, and the whole catechism is printed verbatim from the copy brought over from Rome by the gentleman who gave it to the Editor: the latter gives his name, merely to take on himself the responsibility of the document. The translation, it is hoped, is tolerably correct.

REVIEWS.

R. J. M'GHEE.

Anecdotes of the Roman Catholic Church in the Ninth teenth Century, derived from the Notices of Tra vellers in Europe; and other authentic Sources: including Particulars of a Society of Roman Catholic Ladies, and Remarks on the present Posture of the Papacy. London: H. S. Baynes; Edinburgh: J. Stillie; Dublin: W. Curry, jun., and Co.-1847. pp. 80.

The writer of this work offers apology, if that were needed, for the publication of his work, by referring to the sentiments thus expressed by two English Prelates, Dr. Gibson, and Bishop Barrington:

"We can never be too watchful against the designs and approaches of Popery. But I know not how; those days of danger and terror are clean forgotten by many amongst us, who can make themselves a kind of advocates for the Papists, and persuade the nation, in effect, that neither the increase of Popery at home, nor their open attempts abroad, deserve our fear or regard." (Dr. Gibson).— "I am far from being of opinion that no one can be saved within the pale of the Church of Rome; but I do think, that any one who lives in habits of idolatry, by the adoration of the host, of blasphemy by the invocation of angels and saints, and of sacri

ON THE COMMANDMENTS OF GOD.

M. Let us come now to that which is to be done, in order to love God and our neighbour. Repeat, the Ten Commandments.

a dangerous state; and that we are bound as Christians and as Protestants, to use our best endeavours før securing at least our own people from such errors, if we cannot succeed in convincing those who profess them." (Dr. Barrington.)

P

2. Thou shalt not take the name of God in vain. 3. Remember to keep holy the festivals.

4. Honour thy father and thy mother. 5. Do not kill.

6. Do not commit adultery.

7. Do not steal.

8. Do not bear false witness.

66

The above catechism was purchased at Rome in the year 1838, and is the catechism in general use in the schools of that mystica! Babylon. The principles it inculcates speak for themselves. The fact is not a little important, that two of the laws of God

|

of their worship, and necessary to communion with them, which God never required them to say or do in public worship. No Divine command can be I pretended for the submission of the whole Church to the Bishop of Rome; for the worship of angels, the Virgin Mary and other saints; for the worship of images, and of the host; for prayers in an unknown tongue; for making pictures and images of the invisible God; for the celibacy of the clergy; and a thousand other things which are made as necessary to communion in the Church of Rome, as love to God, or faith in Christ. These human institutions in the worship of God, which are made terms of communion in that Church, are the only cause of division between her and the Protestants. As long as she continues to teach for doctrines the commandments of men, so long she is heretical, and the author of that sect which is denominated Popish. its centre of unity is the greatest heretic or sectary And most justly it is called a heresy or sect, because in the world, viz., the Bishop of Rome, who impiously sets up himself as the head of a faction, in opposition to the plain Divine rules of faith and worship laid down by Christ in the Gospel."Hallett's Notes on the Scriptures, vol. iii., p. 391.

TREATMENT OF BRITISH PROTESTANTS IN PORTUGAL.

HOUSE OF COMMONS-THURSDAY, JULY 15. Sir R. H. INGLIS said, he wished to put a question to Lord Palmerston with reference to the injuries to which British Protestants were exposed in Portugal. He referred particularly to the case of Dr. Kalley, though the injuries had not been received exclusively by him; and would confine himself to the point, whether the Noble Lord was prepared to lay on the table the correspondence that had taken place between the Foreign Department and Dr. Kalley, with regard to his expulsion from Madeira? Viscount PALMERSTON said:" The subject was one of great importance to British residents abroad, and also one of great delicacy in reference to our relations with foreign Governments. Whilst it was the duty of the Government to secure the utmost freedom to British residents abroad in the exercise of their religious opinions and professions, yet when these individuals set themselves to proselytize and convert the subjects of other nations, then there arose a question of a very different nature from that of the simple protection of the lives, property, commerce, and opinions of British subjects, and one which involved a just regard to the feelings and prejudices of the natives of other countries. If a party of Spanish or Portuguese Jesuits should come over to this country, and openly practise the conversion of British subjects to their tenets, the public feeling would be so wounded by such a proceeding, that the question would assume a very different character from the mere assertion, on the part of Spain or Portugal, of the right of its subjects to the free and unmolested exercise of their own forms of belief. The case adverted to was one of this kind. He had no hesitation in saying that Dr. Kalley and other British subjects in Madeira had been ill-used, and that compensation was due to them from the Government for the outrages and insults they had suffered. Dr. Kalley had been compelled, not by any act of the Government, but by the danger to which he was exposed from popular tumults in Madeira, to quit the island. This tumult, from the information received, appeared to have been excited by a priest of the island, and not to have been the result of the general feeling. However, Dr. Kalley was compelled for his personal safety to quit the island. His house had been taken possession of by the authorities and held by them. A commission had been sent from Lisbon to examine into the matter, and the Governor and the Lieutenant-Governor had been dismissed for their misconduct in the case. A trial was instituted of some of the rioters, but they were acquitted, owing to some of the jury being connected with them by family ties or personal friendship. Since that time, a revolution having taken place in Madeira, and a junta in connexion with the junta of Oporto having been established for the regular Government, a warrant had been issued by the Government of Lisbon against the chief of the rioters, who, when apprehended, would be brought to trial. All Dr. Kalley's property in Madeira had been restored to a person authorized by him to take possession of it; still he demanded compensation for the ill-usage of which he complained. He (Viscount Palmerston) had called on him to state the particular grounds and amount of his claim; till that statement was received no further steps could be taken; therefore, it would be premature to lay any papers before the House. If, when the legal advisers of the Crown were consulted, there were found grounds for compensation, and that was conceded by the Portuguese Government, nothing further would be required. As to Dr. Kalley's return to Madeira, there was nothing to prevent that but his own apprehensions. He, of course, would enjoy there all the protection which the treaties of the Crown could afford, and which the influence and rightful demands of the British Government could give him-all the protection which the consular officers of the British Government could afford. But if he asked him (Viscount Palmerston) to tell him beforehand, as a prophet, whether, if he returned, and pursued his system of conversion, which was evidently against the prejudices and feelings of the people, he would be exposed to danger, that was a question which it was totally impossible for the Government at London to answer. He might rely that whatever protection could be afforded beforehand would be granted, and that, if he sustained any injury, redress would be demanded.”

READING.

ADDRESS FROM THE COMMITTEE OF THE PROTESTANT INSTITUTE FOR READING AND ITS

VICINITY.

This Institute has been formed not for the advancement of any political party, but for the defence of vital principles. The time has arrived when it has become necessary for Christians to unite, not so much for the spread as for the preservation of Protestant Truth. The principles which formed the bulwark of our Constitution have been more than once broken in upon-they are still further threatened-and the alternative forced upon us at the present moment is this,-shall we slumber and abandon those principles, or shall we arouse, and with energy suited to the occasion, by God's help, determine to maintain them?

We earnestly call upon our fellow-countrymen to reflect upon the extent to which our Protestant Constitution has been already infringed, and to consider how much recent encroachments of Popery have been encouraged. In Ireland a Popish College is largely endowed, whilst in our Colonies Popish priests are regularly paid; and at this time it is even contemplated to endow the Romish priesthood of our sister country, and in our own land to afford pe. cuniary support to schools in which Popish errors will be inculcated.

We believe it is because the dogmas of Popery have been so imperfectly understood, and its practices so little considered, that the Legislature has already passed measures so pregnant with mischief, and that others are at this time projected, which, if adopted, must entirely subvert and destroy our Protestant Constitution. With this persuasion we have felt constrained to associate for the purpose of awakening the attention of Christians around us to the true nature of Popery, and to the danger of its aggressions; and further, to entreat them to unite with us, that our energies may be concentrated in the defence and promotion of truth, as opposed to the false principles and Antichristian practices of the Church of Rome.

In this short address we do not enter at length upon the discussion of particular questions, but we feel called upon to lift a warning voice against a notion craftily insinuated, and which miscalled charity would foster, that the Romanism of the present day essentially differs from the Popery of past times. On the contrary, its character is the same. The assumption of infallibility forbids all change. The professions and conduct of the Church of Rome may vary with circumstances, but her principles have been defined, and they are permanent and unchangeable. That Church, when possessed of power, has ever been a persecuting Church. She is so still, wherever her influence predominates. She cannot tolerate, she must extirpate all who repudiate her tenets and abjure her authority. We have read the pages of history to little purpose if we have not learnt that Popery is insatiable and rapacious; it must be rampant-it will not rest whilst its dogmas are disputed, whilst its supremacy is questioned. Let none, therefore, be deceived by any plausible and temporary pretext that Rome seeks buta share of legislative power, or will be satisfied with partial endowments. Lessons from experience may prevent the delusion, and teach us that it it is for the very existence of Protestantism we are called to contend.

Feelings of loyalty must further prompt our exertions in this holy cause. It was the sanction given to Popery, and the attempt to re-establish its power, which deprived the House of Stuart of the British sceptre. It was Protestantism which called the House of Brunswick to the Sovereignty of these realms. Protestant principles form the very basis upon which the throne of the present Dynasty was established. Should those principles be undermined, the stability of that throne would be endangered, and the right of succession would be destroyed. It is not to meet the circumstances of the present period alone that this Protestant Institute has been formed: whilst the Church of Rome continues to propagate her errors and strives to extend her usurped authority, so long must strenuous and uncompromising resistance be maintained. But the importance of immediate activity cannot be over estimated, Popery is now arrogant in its pretensions, boastful in its anticipations, and clamorous in its demands; those pretensions are admitted-those anticipations are fostered-those demands are yielded to by

statesmen who are intrusted with legislative autho rity in our Protestant Constitution. Soon must it prevail unless at once vigorously opposed. When, if not now, should Christians awake to a sense of their danger and of their duty, and in dependence on the help of God, and with earnest prayer for his blessing upon their endeavours, unite and labour for the maintenance of those principles in which are involved their temporal and eternal interests, and the honour and glory of Almighty God.

POPERY AND THE PRESS.

It has long been a matter of surprise amongst many that Popery has gained so great an influence with the public press. Some hesitate as to its being a fact, and it is difficult, not to say invidious, to point out who they are.

In a new Roman Catholic periodical we have a little light thrown upon this subject. It proceeds thus:

"FATHER MATHEW.

"The Roman correspondent of the Daily News (Father Prout'), who affects exclusive' sources of intelligence, pretends to give the following as the reason why the venerated Father Mathew has not been appointed Bishop of Cork by the Pope, though returned dignissimus, or most worthy,' by the assembled clergy:

"The mitre of Cork has not been placed by Propaganda on the brow of Theobald Mathew, not because of any hostility felt here to his views on the use of alcohol-views and exertions which Rome has long appreciated and been proud of; not from any doubt as to his eminent qualifications of mind and heart; such as would confer on, not receive honour from, mere episcopal rank, but simply be cause he had not the vote of Cashel's metropolitan, Dr. Slattery, who happened to hold the proxies of two absent bishops (Foran, of Waterford, and French, of Kilfenora), whose presence at, and cognisance of, the Cork scrutiny, might have altered the result. The Bishop of Kerry did not vote at all; and the oldest bishop and most judicious in the province, Dr. Ryan, of Limerick, voted for Father Mathew. Since the rescript of 1829 (a sort of Irish concordat), Rome has never reversed the verdict of an episcopal majority, however clear was the parochial preference in the first ballot urn. As it hap pens, it is, perhaps, well that the illustrious friar does not

"Give up to Cork what was meant for mankind," since that diocese has had the luck to obtain in its new dignitary Dr. Delany, a profound theologian, a mild and kindly man, full of common sense as well as brimful of zeal, and in a quiet way of his own as shrewdly humorous as the Dr. Delany, of Swift.'

"We doubt this information, not because it is in itself improbable, but because it is not likely that the writer could be very well informed on the subject. But it matters not what governed the Court of Rome in conferring the mitre of Cork on Dr. Delany, the decision is one to be received with satisfaction, especially by the Irish Catholics. A purer priest, or a more amiable or charitable man, does not live than Father Mathew. The secular clergy proved at once his fitness for the dignity, and their own disinterestedness and purity of motive, in the election, by going out of their own order for a prelate to preside over them. Had the final appointment depended on their selection, Father Mathew would now be Bishop of Cork. But happily, the decision in such cases always belongs to the Court of Rome. We say happily, for even the circumstances in the present case prove the public importance of this rule. Just at the moment that the clergy of Cork were calling him to the Episcopal chair, the English Whig Government contemplated bestowing a pension of 300% a-year on him, so that, had the vote of the clergy been ratified by the Pope, Ireland would have been afflicted with a sight from the idea of which she shrinks with aversion,—an Irish Catholic prelate on the pension list! Of her beloved Father Mathew, or Bishop Mathew, she would not for a moment harbour the smallest suspicion or distrust. She knows that that pension, like every farthing he has ever received, will be given to the poor, hundreds of whom live upon his charity; but she feels, without hurt to her affection and veneration for him, that God has well appointed, for the sake of the weak, that he shall not be Bishop of Cork."

ELECTION INTELLIGENCE.

CITY OF LONDON.

A Meeting of the electors in the district of Farringdon Without, south, who were inclined to support Mr. Masterman, Alderman Johnson, Mr. R. C. L. Bevan, and Mr. J. W. Freshfield, the Conservative candidates, took place on Monday evening, at the London Coffee-house, Ludgate-hill.

The chair was taken at seven o'clock by ANDREW SPOTTISWOODE, Esq., who said, that as the gentlemen who proposed to represent the City on Conservative principles found it impossible to complete a personal canvass, they were anxious to meet the electors as often as possible in numbers, with the view of explaining their views and opinions.

Mr. SEELEY wished to state that, although the canvass of the Conservative candidates had proceeded only for four or five days, yet that their prospects of success were most encouraging. (Cheers.) The principal question at the coming elections was that of religious endowments, and he was happy to say that Mr. Masterman, Mr. Alderman Johnson, Mr. Bevan, and Mr. Freshfield, were altogether opposed to the endowment of Popery. (Cheers.)

Mr. MASTERMAN then rose, and was warmly received. In that room, he said, he had first appeared before a body of London electors with the view of asking to represent them in Parliament, and he was proud of having it in his power to state that his name was at the head of the poll al the last general election. (Cheers.) When he was last elected he was an admirer of Sir R. Peel's principles, but he had since found cause to disagree with many of the doctrines of that Right Hon. Gentlemen. (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Masterman) was prepared to oppose in every possible way the endowment of the Roman Catholic Church (cheers): he was likewise in favour of an alteration of the Currency Act of 1844, because he was convinced that it had been productive of great mischief in the commercial world. (Hear, hear.) He would also endeavour to obtain a relaxation of the Poor-law, and to insist upon the adoption of a clause to provide that men and their wives, above a certain age, should not be separated in the work houses. (Cheers.)

Mr. BEVAN next presented himself, and was well received. He stated that he came forward as a candidate for the suffrages of the City electors on purely Protestant principles, and he was altogether opposed to the endowment of Popery. (Cheers.) He was an antagonist to sending an ambassador from this country to Rome, because he thought that such an act would be the foundation of injury to Protestantism. (Hear, hear.) He was strongly in favour of taking the shackles off trade, but not so as to affect one interest in the country only; and he was of opinion that in entering into treaties of commerce, we ought to claim a reciprocity of advantage from them. (Hear.) He certainly should support a proposition that old couples should not be separated in the workhouses; and there were several provisions of the Poor-law which he should wish to see altered. Nothing, he thought, should induce them to retain a law which caused the separation of husbands and wives in their old age, because they were in distress. (Hear, hear.) With respect to the question of taxation, he was of opinion that some arrangement ought to be made by which the tax at present placed upon income should be chiefly thrown upon realised capital. (Hear, hear.) He was unable personally to canvass the constituents of the City; but if he was elected, he would, to the best of his ability, endeavour to represent their views in that manner which he believed would be most conducive to their interests and to the interests of the country generally. (Cheers.)

Mr. Alderman JOHNSON then addressed the Meeting. He had, he said, on former occasions, appeared before his fellow-citizens to ask them for civic honours. He had had the good fortune to obtain those honours, and he hoped that he had never betrayed any trust which had been reposed in him. (Hear.) He now appeared before them to solicit an honour of a different kind-the honour of representing them in Parliament, and he hoped that he would meet with as cordial support as he had done when he sought for corporate honours. (Hear, hear.) He asked for their support on Protestant principles. (Cheers.) He was prepared to vote against any proposition for the endowment of the Roman Catholic priesthood. (Hear, hear.) He disapproved of the present system of providing for the education of the young, and

he would oppose any proposition for grants of money to be placed in the hands of the Privy Council for educational purposes. (Hear.) It was, in his opinion, unjust, unwise, and unfair, that any such trust should be reposed in them. If he were elected he should vote for the abolition of the window tax. (Hear.)

Mr. FRESHEIELD then presented himself, and announced himself as an opponent of any proposition which might be made for the endowment of Popery. Nothing, in his opinion could be more inconsistent than that we should call ourselves Protestants, and support a Church, against the errors of which we protested. (Cheers.) If he had the honour of being elected he would feel bound to record his votes in favour of the Protestant institutions of the country, and to do all in his power, as a Member of Parliament, to uphold the Protestant faith. (Cheers.) A Resolution pledging the Meeting to support Mr. Masterman, Mr. Bevan, Mr. Alderman Johnson, and Mr. Freshfield, was then proposed and unanimously adopted; and thanks having been voted to the Chairman, the meeting separated.-Morning Herald.

SHREWSBURY.-Mr. Baldock has come forward for this borough. The Shropshire Conservative observes, "Mr. Baldock's address avoids one point in connexion with Popery, for which Mr. Slaney has received some severe rating, namely, he does not say he will not encourage Popish errors by public grants of money, but he will oppose the endowment of the Roman Catholic clergy, a pledge exacted by almost every Constituency in the Kingdom. It is true Mr. Baldock states he will oppose every measure that may in any way tend to undermine or tamper with our venerable Protestant Constitution,' but he may consider grants of public money for the purposes of propagating Popery not undermining the Protestant Church, and we therefore would rather he were more explicit on this subject." An elector of the borough seems to have the same feeling. Certainly it is desirable that those who volunteer their services in Protestant principles, should be above suspicion, and clear and explicit in their statements.

"To Edward Holmes Baldock, Esq.-Sir, Courtesy is due to a stranger, and as a stranger I give you a hearty welcome and wish you every success in the forthcoming contest for this borough. Your address is satisfactory, though I think it might have been more explicit on the subject near and dear to every Protestant, namely, your intentions relative to grants of public money for the education of the Roman Catholic youths of the United Kingdom in Popery, with all its blind superstition and idolatries. Some persons argue, and a very plausible argument it is too, that as the Roman Catholics contribute to taxation they are entitled to a share of the public money, but let me tell those parties that, as ours is essentially a Protestant Constitution in Church and State, we are not called upon to do more than tolerate those who differ from us on religious matters, and we ought not, if we value God's blessing on the land, to give grants from a Protestant State to foster, cherish, and rear up in this kingdom the idol of Antichrist, Popery. What the Papists pay in taxes is a share of the public burdens, for which they reap the benefits with other classes of Her Majesty's subjects, with the single exception of grants to propagate their religion, but which is counterbalanced by their being tolerated and their emancipation in various ways during the last quarter of a century. We may as well be asked to encourage Judaism or any other sect that may reside in this country, and consequently be called upon for a share of taxation. * A TORY ELECTOR.-Abbey

Foregate, July 15, 1847."

CARMARTHEN COUNTY.-Mr. Rice Trevor, of Dznever Castle, and Mr. S. Davies, of Pentre, are candidates for the representation of Carmarthen County.

CARMARTHEN AND LLANELLY BOROUGH.-Mr. Morris solicits a renewal of the confidence reposed in him the last ten years.

CARDIGAN COUNTY.-Mr. W. E. Powell solicits of the electors of this constituency a renewal of the honour he has enjoyed for thirty years, and assures the electors of his continued and firm attachment to the Monarchy and Protestant Institutions of the country.

ASHBURTON.-Mr. Matheson has intimated his intention of retiring from the representation; and his brother, Colonel Matheson, has come forward in his stead.

BANBURY.-Mr. Tancred is again in the field. He says," Having had the honour of representing your interests for fifteen years, during four Parlia ments, I beg to offer myself again as a candidate for your suffrages at the approaching election." WORCESTER (CITY). The publication of Mr. Ricardo's address has produced addresses from the other candidates, and set the whole electioneering fraternity in motion. Besides Sir Denis Le Marchant's address on retiring, Mr. Rufford and Mr. Hardy, on Wednesday night, issued addresses. Mr. Hardy declares himself to be unconnected with any party, and expresses himself as decidedly "opposed to all national or State-made religions."

NORFOLK (WEST).-The Conservative party in this division, Messrs. L'Estrange and Bagge, are understood to have proposed a compromise, the effect of which would be the election of one candidate on either side. The proposition has elicited from the Hon. E. K. Coke, one of the candidates, a spirited address. It seems that the compromise was proposed, not for the purpose of excluding Mr. Coke, whose return is considered certain, but in order to oust Mr. Hammond, that a Conservative candidate might be let in.

EVESHAM.-Mr. P. Borthwick has publicly announced his intention of retiring from the representation. Sir H. Willoughby solicits the suffrages of the electors on Conservative principles.

ROCHESTER.-The Liberal party appear to be rather divided in opinion as to the wisdom of bringing forward a second candidate to stand with Mr. Bernal.

HASTINGS. There are no less that six candidates in the field,-Mr. R. Hollond, the present Member; Mr. John Ashley Warre, Mr. J. F. Stamford, Mr. W. Downing Bruce, Mr. Briscoe, and Mr. Robertson.

NEWPORT (ISLE OF WIGHT).-A Tory candidate has appeared in the person of Mr. W. H. C. Plowden.

WARRINGTON. Mr. Blackburne has resigned, and a requisition has been prepared to Mr. G. Gren all, of Walton-hall, who will, it is expected, become a candidate.

WEST SOMERSET.-Sir Alexander Wood has issued an address, in which he declares that "regarding the Reformation as the sheet-anchor of Protestantism, he would not consent to place weapons in the hands of the antagonists of our Church, by sanctioning grants or endowments for the maintenance of the Roman Catholic priesthood."

BERWICK-UPON-TWEED. - Mr. Miller has ad dressed this constituency. He refers to his uniform support of Protestant and Conservative principles during the five successive years he represented Newcastle-under-Lyne in Parliament. The Berwick and Kelso Warder says :-" Mr. Miller's address appears in our advertising columns; and though couched in very general terms, we believe that his views on the political topics of the day which excite the greatest interest are quite satisfactory. He has been known since 1830 as one of the staunchest supporters of Conservatism; and is prepared now to uphold the principle of protection to native industry, and to resist all attempts, either to endow the Roman Catholic clergy, to vote the public money for the support of Roman Catholic schools, or to remove the civil disabilities of that religious body. We have no hesitation, therefore, in recommending him to the electors as a candidate fully qualified to represent their general interests in Parliament; and though a stranger to our borough and its local interests and requirements, we may presume, from the fact of his representing Newcastle-under-Lyne in five successive Parliaments, that his former constituents found their interests prosper in his hands, and that his pledge of vigilant attention to the local interests of Berwick is not a mere empty promise, but one that is meant to be kept."

PLYMOUTH, JULY 15.-Mr. Gill, one of our Whig Members, has by a public announcement bolted off the course. Mr. Calmady comes forward upon Chartist principles-namely, great extension of the suffrage, the ballot, &c. Last night Mr. Crowder (Queen's Counsel) presented himself upon more moderate Whig principles. The Meeting was thinly attended by friends. It was stormy and virulent, and the show of hands was against Mr. Crowder. Never was such a mess. Another candidate upon Chartist principles is expected to offer himself in opposition to Lord Ebrington. The public question here now is-What is next?