or explained very modestly, in public discourses to the people; and lastly, that those who disagreed, should live together as friends and interchange kind offices. And from these views originated not only bitter contests, but also at times rash and seditious commotions in the state; in allaying which, many years were consumed in vain. The neighbouring divines of Saxony, and particularly those of Wittemberg, undertook to defend the side of the Lutherans in these tumults; and undoubtedly with sincere and upright intentions, but according to the custom of the times, in a style too coarse, and not sufficiently temperate. And hence, not only was the Formula of Concord excluded from a place among the books by which the public religion of the Lutherans is regulated, in the Brandenburg territories, but likewise the citizens of Brandenburg were forbidden to study theology in the university of Wittemberg 2. § 3. So many evils resulting from the discords of those, who with equal sincerity and fortitude had renounced papal servitude, that is, of the Lutherans and Reformed, might suggest to some of the principal men, and the most famous theologians of both parties, to look about them, anxiously, for some means of uniting in bonds of mutual affection the communities rent asunder and severed by their religious sentiments. No wise man could be so ignorant of human nature, as to expect, that all difference of opinion between them could be removed, or that either party would adopt the sentiments of the other. And therefore, those who undertook this business, agreed, that their 2 The laws and edicts both of John Sigismund and his successors, in relation to this famous affair, have been sometimes printed together. There is likewise extant a great number of books and pamphlets, from which a knowledge of these proceedings may be derived; and of which I would rather refer to others for a full catalogue, than give an imperfect one myself. Such a catalogue is extant in the Unschuldige Nachrichten, A. D. 1745. p. 34, &c. and a. D. 1746. p. 326. See also, Jo. Charles Köcher, Bibliotheca Theol. Symbolica, p. 312, &c. Those who wish to understand and form an estimate of the whole transaction, may consult Godf. Arnold's Kirchen- und Ketzerhistorie, pt. ii. book xvii. ch. vii. p. 965. Ern. Solom. Cyprian's Unterricht von der Vereinigung der Protestanten, p. 75. and the Appendix of Documents, p. 225. The Unschuldige Nachrichten, A. D. 1727. p. 1069. and A. D. 1732. p. 715. Those who would persuade us, that the hope of extending his power and influence, was not the least motive with the prince for this change, conjecture, rather than demonstrate and prove; for they do not support their opinion with valid arguments. Yet it must be confessed, by such as carefully inspect the history of those times, that they do not conjecture altogether irrationally and without plausibility. only aim should be, to persuade the disputants, that there was little or nothing of any importance to true religion and piety, in all the points controverted between the parties; that the fundamental truths, on which the plan of salvation rests, are safe on both sides; and that their controversies related, partly, to things recondite and inexplicable, and partly, to things indifferent and far removed from the supreme object of a christian. Those who could admit these things to be true, must also admit, that the existing difference of sentiment was no just impediment to fraternal intercourse between the dissentients. And most of the reformed were readily brought to concede that the Lutherans erred but moderately and lightly, or did not greatly corrupt any one of the primary doctrines of christianity: but most of the Lutherans perseveringly maintained, that they had the most weighty reasons for not judging in the same manner of the Reformed, and that a great part of the dispute related to the groundwork of all religion and piety. It is not strange, that this perseverance of the Lutherans was branded by the opposite party with the odious names of moroseness, superciliousness, arrogance, and the like. But those who were taxed with these crimes, brought as many charges against their accusers. For they complained, that they were not treated ingenuously; that the real character of the Reformed principles was disguised, under ambiguous phraseology; and that their adversaries, though cautious and guarded, yet gave much proof, that the chief ground of their great inclination for peace, was not so much a desire of the public good, as of their private advantage. § 4. Among the public transactions relative to this business of a union, we may justly give the first place to the project of James I., the king of Great Britain; who in the year 1615, attempted a reconciliation of the Lutherans and Reformed, through the instrumentality of Peter du Moulin, a very celebrated divine among the French Reformed'. The next place is due to the celebrated decree of the Reformed church of France, passed in the synod of Charenton, A.D. 1631; by which the Lutheran religion was declared harmless, holy, and free from 3 See Mich. le Vassor's Histoire de Louis XIII. tom. ii. pt. ii. p. 21, &c. [and Schroeckh, Kirchengesch. seit der Reform. vol. v. p. 198. Tr.] all gross errors; and a way was opened for the professors of it to hold sacred and civil communion with the Reformed *. Whatever may have been the motives for this decree, its effects were unimportant, for few of the Lutherans were disposed to use the liberty thus generously offered them. In the same year, certain Saxon theologians, Matthias Hoe, Polycarp Lyser, and Henry Höpfner, were ordered to hold a conference at Leipsic, with certain Hessian and Brandenburg doctors of the first class; so that the sentiments of both parties being properly explained and compared, it might be better understood, what and how great difficulties were in the way of the much desired union. This deliberation was conducted without any intemperate heat, or lust for disputation and controversy; but at the same time, not with that mutual confidence and freedom from jealousy, which would secure harmony in the result. For though the speakers on the side of the Reformed, explained in the best manner the views of their church, and cheerfully conceded not a few things which the Lutherans hardly expected; yet the suspicions of the latter lest they should be entrapped, so intimidated them, that they would not acknowledge themselves satisfied. Hence the disputants separated without accomplishing any thing. Who 4 Elias Benoit's Histoire de l'Edit de Nantes, tom. ii. p. 524. Jac. Aymon's Actes des Synodes Nationaux des Eglises Reformées de France, tom. ii. p. 500, &c. Thomas Ittig's Diss. de Synodi Carentoniensis Indulgentia erga Lutheranos, Lips. 1705. 4to. [Quick's Synodicon in Gallia Reformata, vol. ii. p. 297. The words of the decree were these: "The province of Burgundy demanding, whether the faithful of the Augustane (Augsburg) Confession might be permitted to contract marriages in our churches, and to present children in our churches unto baptism, without a precedaneous abjuration of those opinions held by them, contrary to the belief of our churches? This Synod declareth, that inasmuch as the churches of the Confession of Augsburg do agree with the other reformed churches, in the principal and fundamental points of the true religion, and that there is neither superstition nor idolatry in their worship, the faithful of the said Confession, who with a spirit of love and peaceableness do join themselves to the communion of our churches in this kingdom, may be, without any abjuration at all made by them, admitted unto the Lord's table with us; and as sureties may present children unto baptism, they promising the Consistory, that they will never solicit them, either directly or indirectly, to transgress the doctrine believed and professed in our churches, but will be content to instruct and educate them in those points and articles which are in common between us and them, and wherein both the Lutherans and we are unanimously agreed."_Tr.] 5 See Timann Gesselius, Historia Sacra et Ecclesiastica, pt. ii. the Addenda, p. 597-613; where the Acts themselves are given. Jo. Wolfg. Jaeger's Historia Sæculi xvii. decenn. iv. p. 497, &c. [The Reformed divines were John Bergius, court preacher at ever wishes to learn the causes of these deliberations for peace must inspect and examine the civil history of those times. § 5. The conference at Thorn, in 1645, appointed by Uladislaus IV., king of Poland, for the purpose of uniting, if possible, not only the Reformed with the Lutherans, but both with the Papists, was likewise unsuccessful. For, those who were called together to make efforts, if not to terminate, yet to lessen the existing enmities, separated more enraged than when they came together. With more success, by order of William VI., the landgrave of Hesse, Peter Muscus and John Henichius, of the university of Rinteln, and Sebastian Curtius and John Heinius, doctors of Marpurg, the two former Lutherans, and the latter Reformed, whom William, landgrave of Hesse, directed to enter into a friendly discussion, compared their sentiments at Cassel in the year 1661. For having examined the essential importance of those controversies which separated the two communities, they mutually shook hands, affirming that it was far less than was commonly supposed, and ought not to prevent fraternal affection and harmony. But the divines of Rinteln were so utterly unable to persuade their brethren to believe as they did, that on the contrary, their only reward was almost universal hatred; and they were confuted with bitterness in numerous publications. How much labour and effort the Brandenburg heroes, Frederic William and his son Frederic, afterwards expended in reconciling the differences of protestants in general, and particularly in Prussia' and their Berlin, John Crocius, professor at Marpurg, and Theophilus Neuberger, superintendent at Cassel. They discussed all the articles of the Augsburg Confession; which the Reformed were ready to subscribe to, and also set forth a Formula of union, or rather an exposition of the articles in controversy, which was not expected from them. Schl.] • The writers who treat of the conferences at Thorn and Cassel, are enumerated by Casper Sagittarius, Introduct. ad Historiam Ecclesiast. tom. ii. P. 1604. Add Jo. Wolfg. Jaeger's Historia Sæculi xvii. decenn. v. p. 689. where the Acts of the conference of Thorn,--and decenn. vii. p. 160. where those of the conference at Cassel, are extant. Jo. Alphonso Turretine, Nubes Testium pro moderato in rebus Theologicis Judicio, p. 178. Jo. Möller, in his Life of Musæus, in Cimbria Litterata, tom. ii. p. 566, &c. treats professedly of the conference at Cassel ; and in p. 568, gives an accurate catalogue of all the writings published both by the friends and the enemies of that conference. 7 Christ. Hartknoch's Preussische Kirchenhistorie, p. 599. Unschuldige Nachrichten, A.D. 1731. p. 1010, &c. other provinces, and what difficulties opposed and withstood those efforts, is too well known to need a long rehearsal. § 6. Of those who, as private individuals, assumed the office of arbiters of the contests among the protestants, a vast number might be mentioned; but many more among the Reformed than among the Lutherans assume this character. The most noted among the Reformed, as all agree, was John Duraus, [or Dury,] a Scotchman, who was certainly an honest man, pious, and learned; but more distinguished for genius and memory, than for the power of nice discrimination and sound judgment; as might be evinced by satisfactory proofs, if this were the proper place for them. For more than forty years, or from 1631 to 1674, he tried with incredible fortitude and patience, by writing, persuading, admonishing, in short, in every way that could be thought of, to attain the happiness of putting an end to the contests among the protestants. Nor like others, did he attempt this vast enterprise shut up in his study; but he travelled himself into nearly all the countries of Europe, in which a purer religion flourished, and personally addressed and conferred with all the theologians of both parties, who were of much note and influence, and made great exertions to engage in his enterprise kings, princes, and magistrates, and their friends, by displaying the importance and utility of his object. Most persons commended his designs, and treated him with kindness: yet very few were found willing to help forward his plans by their personal efforts and counsels. Some persons suspecting that so great eagerness as they perceived in Dury must proceed from sinister designs, and that he was secretly labouring to draw the Lutherans into a snare, assailed him in their writings, not without acrimony; nor did all of them abstain from direct invectives and reproaches. At last, neglected by his own party, and repelled and rejected by ours, and wearied out by a thousand hardships, insults, and troubles, he learned that this task exceeded the power of private efforts; and he consumed the remainder of his life in obscurity and neglect at Cassel. This honest man, though sometimes not sufficiently 8 See Jo. Christopher Coler's Historia Joh. Durai, Wittemb. 1716. 4to. to which, however, very much might be added, from documents both printed |