freeholders passed without a division in either house, although in the earlier stages, objections to it had been urged both by lords and commoners.

§ 13. The great measure, by which Britain abandoned her long-cherished principle of excluding Romanists from legislative privileges, treated them as any other class of dissenters, except in such cases as they were decidedly separated from the general body by religious peculiarities bearing directly upon the national institutions. Hence no notice was taken of a veto upon appointments to their prelacies, which had been so often keenly contested during the thirty years' discussion upon the catholic question. All such matters of internal regulation were passed over in silence as nothing else than the private concerns of a sect in the empire, with which the state had no right or reason to interfere, so long as they did not act upon its established policy. Upon the principle of providing against such interference, where it might fairly be apprehended, Romanists were required to take a particular oath on entering parliament. This binds them to the Act of Settlement, it being obviously more agreeable to their prejudices, that representatives of the Stuarts, professing their own religion, especially as they stand higher in the scale of descent, should occupy the throne in preference to protestant representatives. It binds them also to the rejection of those anti-social pretensions, by which unques tionably the court of Rome, whatever may be said of the church, has repeatedly compromised its character. It binds them likewise to the existing institutions of the country, and restricts them from any use of their legislative privileges to the injury of the church establishment, or of the protestant religion. They are obviously open to temptation in these respects, from the prevalence of a notion that the church establishment was originally founded for the diffusion of their own opinions, and from a belief that protestants are fatally misled by doctrines no older than Luther. Still farther to take

made great alterations there, and among them was an extensive diffusion of protestantism, in quarters that had hitherto rejected it. Gent. Mag. March, 1829.

4 The following is the oath prescribed by the act: "I, A. B., do sin

cerely promise and swear, that I will be faithful and bear true allegiance to his majesty and will defend him to the utmost of my power against all conspiracies and attempts whatever which shall be made against his person, crown, or dignity; and I will do

away from Romanists all temptation to tamper with the church, any of them who should attain high office, are restrained from advising the crown in the exercise of ecclesiastical patronage'. The arrogant assumption of titles from prelacies and deaneries, conferred upon others by law, is made liable to a fine of one hundred pounds, for every time in which it may be committed". A restriction is also placed, under a penalty of fifty pounds, upon all displays of the Romish religion, except in places of worship, or private houses: which is no more than a judicious

protection to unguarded youth and ignorance against the fascination of theatrical rites, and a rational provision against the effects of that popular disgust which might occasionally rise on the needless exhibition of them. Of Jesuits, and all other monastic societies of men, the act contemplates the gradual abolition within the United Kingdom'. For the accomplishment of this object in an inoffensive manner, all such monastics then resident in the realm were to register themselves within six months', and all such of alien birth, coming into the realm afterwards, were made liable to banishment for life. Any such persons, however, born subjects of the British crown, and then abroad, might return and be registered. Any other such person might be licensed by the secretary of state, being a protestant, to come into the kingdom, and remain there for a space not exceeding six calendar months. All future admissions into such orders within the United Kingdom were to be misdemeanors in the admitting parties, punishable by fine and imprisonment: the parties admitted were made liable to banishment. These provisions against monastic orders are obviously just and reasonable. From such combinations, moving at the will of a small knot of alien superiors, have come a large portion both of the grosser superstitions, and of the anti-social proceedings of popery. Any state is, therefore, as fully justified in refusing toleration to them, as it is to any combination of artisans, or of political agitators. In withholding such toleration, no right of conscience is invaded, unless there is an interference also with some religious principle or usage. It is, however, notorious, that every integral peculiarity of the Romish creed can have free course without administration from any others than secular clergymen, that is, from a body of ecclesiastics analogous to protestant ministers of religion. If Romanism cannot be extended, or even main

8 Religious or monastic societies of women are expressly exempted by clause 37.

"And whereas Jesuits, and members of other religious orders, communities, or societies of the church of Rome, bound by monastic or religious vows, are resident within the United Kingdom, and it is expedient to make provision for the gradual suppression

and final prohibition of the same therein." Clause 28.

1 The penalty for omitting to register within this time is fifty pounds for every calendar month during which the party shall remain unregistered. 2 Clause 29.

3 Clause 30.
4 Clause 31.
5 Clauses 33, 34.

tained, without skilfully organised combinations in aid of ordinary ministers, it has plainly no right to expect shelter from a protestant nation for such auxiliaries; blemished as they are too in character, by the most serious imputations, even from those of their own religious persuasion. Extraordinary facilities for its designs and operations cannot be reasonably expected from a people which views its principles as unsound and pernicious.

§ 14. Even those who anticipated no permanent pacification of Ireland, at least not until after a considerable interval, from the removal of Romish disabilities, generally thought a temporary calm likely to follow. This expectation was, however, disappointed. Irish Romanism continued its unity of action, fierce intolerance of protestantism, and menacing posture. The catholic rent, originally levied for the pursuit of emancipation, still made its demand upon the whole Romish population, and the priesthood, as before, would not allow it to call any where in vain. It was now chiefly employed as a remuneration for Mr. Daniel O'Connell, a Romish practitioner of long standing at the Irish bar, who had been at the head of the late struggle for emancipation. He now gave up the farther prosecution of his profession, and became really the paid agent of the priestly party in Ireland. He acted as leader of the members returned to parliament by its influence, and as proposer to the mass of his countrymen, of such topics as suited its views. From the state of parties in Britain, he soon acquired an immense political importance. The Tory party, now calling itself Conservative, from its anxiety to preserve existing institutions in their full integrity, was nearly balanced by the Whigs and Radicals, who ordinarily coalesced in parliamentary votes. A compact body of Irish Romanists could turn the scale in favour of either party, and it did this service to the Whigs. The price of its assistance, however, was great danger to the established church of Ireland, extensive emigration among such of her followers as could remove, general apprehension among the remainder, and severe distress to her elergy. A combination to resist the

"We remember the professions with which the bill that granted power

to the Roman catholics was purchased and conceded. We recollect how it

payment of tithes, and the vestry cess, or church-rates, was organised over three out of the four provinces, very soon after the grant of emancipation. The miserable incumbents, afraid to leave their homes after sunset, on the long continuance of this conspiracy, were often left with hardly means of procuring the commonest necessaries of life, within their carefully secured habitations; nor did the priestly party hesitate, on various occasions, to express an intention of overturning the protestant establishment altogether. It is true, that Romish members of parliament take an oath meant to restrain them from all attempts against the church, and the English section of them has, in consequence, very rarely voted upon ecclesiastical questions. The Irish section has practised no such abstinence,

was professed, and we cannot forget how it was proclaimed, that if an equal participation of privileges with protestants were granted to Roman catholics, Ireland would be tranquil and happy. It was stated that popery had grown tolerant and liberal, and that our countries would be more firmly united than ever in bonds of amity and peace. Brethren, we ask you, has the event justified these professions? What use has been made of the power conceded to Roman Catholics? Has it not been used in attempting the overthrow of the protestant religion in this country? Is it not labouring to destroy the integrity of the united empire? Have not Roman catholic bishops demanded the destruction of the protestant establishment, and of all societies for the propagation of the Gospel? Have they not denounced the clergy; some of whom are suffering the greatest privations, others are assassinated and stoned to death in the open face of day. In many parts of the country, the houses of protestant gentry and farmers are fortified to prevent the attack of the midnight murderer; arms are plundered at hours when suspicion herself is off her guard, when men are engaged in the labour of the field, or attending on the worship of their God. By the long continued practice of this open plunder, by the secret importation of arms and ammunition, and by an extensive ma

nufacture of pikes and other weapons, the Roman catholic population has become, in many parts of the country, an armed band of formidable foes. The protestant scarcely dares to venture after sunset from his home; he fears to transact his business in the fair or the market; he is waylaid, insulted, beaten, robbed, or assassinated on his return. The fact precludes the necessity of either comment or detail. The miseries he endures, and the evils he apprehends, burst all the ties that bind him to his home, and force him to seek in exile, on the Transatlantic shore, the rest denied him in the land of his fathers. To such an extent have these sufferings pressed upon the protestants of Ireland, that it appears on good authority that more than sixty thousand have fled to America, since the emancipation bill has passed the British legislature. Thus, so far from an increase of tranquillity, the country presents but a melancholy picture of increased disturbance, agitation, partial insurrection, and crime, on the one hand; and on the other, of suffering, of apprehension, of voluntary exile, and despair." Appeal of the Protestants of Ireland to their brethren the Protestants of England and Wales, prepared by the committee appointed at the great Conservative Meeting, lately held at the Mansion House, Dublin. Brit. Mag. March, 1832. p. 52.