and elsewhere are an echo of those materialistic days, and their extension to still other countries must be expected if the gregarious instinct atrophy once more. In the Red Cross we now have an institution whose activities make directly for mass as contrasted with class solidarity. To keep the Red Cross in constant and vigorous operation should become an object of national concern and national planning.

From the viewpoint of individual as well as of national well-being, maintenance of the Red Cross in energetic activity is also much to be desired. As already mentioned, failure to give adequate expression to an instinct breeds trouble, and in particular breeds nervous strain. Life begins to seem "stale, flat, and unprofitable," and unless the thwarted instinct contrives to express itself in some way, disorders of feeling and of conduct develop. Our Freudian friends have been at great pains to make clear to us the mischief which ensues when the sex instinct is perpetually baulked, denied expression even through what the Freudians term "sublimation." The gregarious instinct is as imperious in its demands, as vengeful when persistently and absolutely repressed. Urging men to be of service, to lead lives productive of good to the race, at all times and not in war time only, those who remain deaf to its urging must pay a penalty of some kind. When, however, its demands are heeded, a compensatory feeling of satisfaction is gained, and more than this, a loosening of energy which until then had been unavailable.

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This accounts for the remarkable "staying powers expectedly displayed by so many Red Cross workers during the past four years. It accounts also for the improved health and increased happiness so many have found after taking up Red Cross work. The anxious restlessness, the feeling of being "sick of things," the chronic dissatisfaction they have been experiencing, oppress them no more. And this even when the Red Cross duties imposed on them have been arduous, unpleasant, perhaps of a character that would ordinarily have been repellant to them. The secret is that through the Red Cross they have been enabled to give to the gregarious instinct the expression it failed to find in their lives before the war. The mere knowledge that one is actually of use in the world is itself an energy developer of the first order. When to this is added knowledge that one is of use in race preservation through the conquest of disease and the alleviation of pain, energy may be developed in almost incredible degree.

Obviously, ample scope for Red Cross effort will remain after the last war victim has been succored. Before the war, for that matter, the Red Cross was doing not a little humanitarian work day in and day out, notably in the way of nursing, co-operating in the prevention of industrial accidents, and promoting health education among the people. This work and kindred effort should now be intensified and extended, for the sake both of those among our millions who need to be helped and of those who will benefit by sharing in the helping. It would in truth be a sad mistake I am tempted to say, a crime against the nation-if after the war the Red Cross were permitted to fade to a mere shadow of its present splendid self.

H. ADDINGTON BRUCE.

MEXICO TO-DAY

BY WILLIAM GATES

I

WHAT is the position of Mexico to-day as to the alldominant questions in the world? The attitude of her government to these questions, and to us? What is the actual status of the Carranza Government in Mexico itself? Is it solving the economic, social, agrarian and political problems of the Revolution; stimulating industry and development; and with sound financial methods? Is it a government surrounded by disorder yet gaining in strength; is that disorder substantially "banditry," or a coherent political movement? Does this Government correspond to those aspirations of the people for democracy and freedom which it was expected to fulfill? And is it going to succeed?

What is the actual fact about the German propaganda of which so much has been said and so little actually told? Is the government, and President Carranza personally, neutral, or pro-German? Are the Mexican people pro-German, or pro-Ally? And what is their real feeling for us.

In short, what is going on in Mexico?

Every question to be solved for the good or ill of the world in Europe is also to be found in an acute form here. Racial and national independence and right to self-determination of their own politics and affairs; trade and development questions of every kind; militarism; I. W. W. socialism; the religious question between Church and State; a land question to which Ireland's is a new-born infant, in age, acuteness, and irreconcilability; a mixture of racial questions only paralleled in Austria: these are some of the elements of the problem that oppresses the Mexican people in its 400-year effort to arrive at a solution of its necessities and hopes. And the problem by the side of which the Carranza Government is

emmert bem of resistHy my united in 7 angreror. It is Take

of the population, and De Lanceys that of the Zapotec just as will AusÚt Xmr Tares the Bohemian, the Tug-Sir, the The Andry, all the legislation of Mexter Las ten founded entry on the ideas and needza of the population of Exper Food, the natives having beera abandoned even more radios in this respect since Independence that under Spanish rule.

It is this Mexican common people" in those name thin last Revolution has been nominally waged; for whom Presi dent Wilson has spoken and to whose efforts he has offered our sympathy. And it is this hypersensitive inheritance of Mexican consciousness which Carranza phrased in a sentens uttered by him as he came to power: "These foreigners have got to quit making money out of Mexico." By all rights thx present Mexican Government and ours should wan closest sympathy and coöperation. Why, then, we ye kour ing (if we are) trouble with the Carranza Gegenannt

The two "monsters beyond all pale" Compa literature are Huerta and Zapata. He would us dent of Mexico to-day but for Wilson. Zagra whose sole object is to win back illegally doyenné at for his followers in his native State, and who save y would have recognized Carranza had 34 by the sett him in that desire; Carranza rad ees

Cruz, after which we recognized beyond

MEXICO TO-DAY

BY WILLIAM GATES

I

WHAT is the position of Mexico to-day as to the alldominant questions in the world? The attitude of her government to these questions, and to us? What is the actual status of the Carranza Government in Mexico itself? Is it solving the economic, social, agrarian and political problems of the Revolution; stimulating industry and development; and with sound financial methods? Is it a government surrounded by disorder yet gaining in strength; is that disorder substantially "banditry," or a coherent political movement? Does this Government correspond to those aspirations of the people for democracy and freedom which it was expected to fulfill? And is it going to succeed?

What is the actual fact about the German propaganda of which so much has been said and so little actually told? Is the government, and President Carranza personally, neutral, or pro-German? Are the Mexican people pro-German, or pro-Ally? And what is their real feeling for us.

In short, what is going on in Mexico?

Every question to be solved for the good or ill of the world in Europe is also to be found in an acute form here. Racial and national independence and right to self-determination of their own politics and affairs; trade and development questions of every kind; militarism; I. W. W. socialism; the religious question between Church and State; a land question to which Ireland's is a new-born infant, in age, acuteness, and irreconcilability; a mixture of racial questions only paralleled in Austria: these are some of the elements of the problem that oppresses the Mexican people in its 400-year effort to arrive at a solution of its necessities and hopes. And the problem by the side of which the Carranza Government is