the evening. One thing I have to add, that among the common connexions of the Duke of Portland and myself, I hardly know a second sentiment. The Duke of Devonshire, and Lord John, and Lord George* may keep, and I suppose will keep away on the discussion; but I have the satisfaction of feeling confident that if they will permit themselves to think there is a right and a wrong, they do not think me in the wrong. This is a private consolation, though I cannot reflect upon it without feeling how great an alloy there is in the consolation. I shall be anxious to hear, not only of your proceedings in the House, but much likewise of the general temper and inclinations of the public.

I find you introduced your Bill on Wednesday last, and have moved for a Committee on the state of the nation for Monday. I shall be wonderfully anxious for the debate on the latter day. I understand the Bill is positively to be thrown out, to give the lie to my representations.

This must be a general letter to the Ponsonbys, as well as to yourself. Pray communicate it to them, and tell them the truth. I have not time to write, nor new matter worth their reading. Believe me, both yours and theirs affectionately, WENTWORTH FITZWILLIAM.

LORD MILTON TO MR. GRATTAN.

MY DEAR SIR,-Having just left Lord Fitzwilliam oppressed with one of his head-aches, and consequently unable to write to you, I have hurried home, though but just in time, to give you some account of the debate of last night in the Lords. The motion of the Duke of Norfolk was for extracts of such letters as related to the recall of the late Lord-Lieutenant, which was immediately objected to by Lord Coventry, and afterwards by Lord Mansfield, on the general principle of interfering with the King's prerogative of dismissing such of his servants as he thought proper. On the other side, the particular circumstances of the case were considered by Lord Guildford, and particularly by Lord Moira, who, with great force and eloquence, entered into the merits of the measures, and stated his complete approbation of them, and introduced a compliment and panegyric upon you, which your modesty alone could have prevented you from hearing, with the same satisfaction and pleasure with * Cavendish.

CHAP. VII.] THE DEBATE IN THE LORDS.

213

which it was heard by. all your friends. The giant and barefaced corruption which had for a course of years pervaded the Government of Ireland, he strongly animadverted upon, and the mention of Beresford's name drew up Lord Townshend to give his testimony in favour of that gentleman, which he did, shortly stating him as a man of honour, integrity, and so forth; but, previous to his short speech, Lord Westmoreland went into a defence of his own administration, and what he meant as an attack upon Lord Fitzwilliam, the whole delivered in so awkward, incoherent, and disgusting a style, and tone of voice, as to make considerable impression in the house. utterly to his advantage. Lord Fitzwilliam replied to him, with great force, great dignity, and great effect, marking very distinctly the impropriety of Lord Westmoreland's embarrassing the succeeding Government previous to his departure, and continuing the same conduct, by his own avowal and confession, upon his arrival in this country. The popularity which, on various occasions, in and out of Parliament, had so uniformly manifested itself towards the King's Government under his administration, he ascribed to the notoriety of his having placed his confidence in you, and the Ponsonbys, and in your connexions, and in his having withdrawn it from it from those who had enjoyed the confidence of the administration to which he succeeded, and on your popularity, on the use you had at all times made of that popularity, on your views, on your character, and on your abilities, he expatiated, with an ease and eloquence that seemed to flow from the nature of the subject and the justice of the cause. The length of Lord Grenville's speech, which was merely upon the impropriety of inquiring into a dismissal, -the futility of Lord Buckingham's, which was merely a eulogy upon Beresford, and Hamilton,-or Lord Spencer's, which was expressive only of his satisfaction from the conduct of Mr. Pitt towards himself, I need not enter into. But Lord Lauderdale's was in a strain that I cannot pass over; the comparison he drew of the speeches of the two Lord-Lieutenants was masterly in the highest degree, and his animadversions upon Lord Westmoreland's most severe; who, when he was declaiming against Lord Fitzwilliam's profusion in making arrangements, claimed the reversion to Wolfe as his own act, and who, when finding fault with his disclosing private communications, had the

folly and impudence himself to state conversations that had passed between himself and Mr. Pitt (whom he named without any circumlocution) on the subject of the Catholic measure, which Pitt told him was not to pass, and on the subject of the removals, which Pitt told him were not to take place!!!! Excuse me to the Ponsonbys for not writing to them, by shewing them this letter. I wish I may do you the same justice on Tuesday, that Lord Fitzwilliam did you yesterday. We hear of Pelham's declaration with astonishment. Yours ever,

MILTON.

P.S. How the Duke of Portland should have escaped the debate will appear as extraordinary to you as it does to me. Accusations of general duplicity were thrown out, but nothing particular against him. He said a few words at the close of the debate.

CHAPTER VIII.

Conduct of the Irish on the recall of Lord Fitzwilliam, March, 1795-Addresses to Mr. Grattan, and his answers-Error of the Opposition in joining the Duke of Portland-Arrival of Lord Camden-Mr. Grattan's remarks as to British cabinet and connexion-Sensation in the House by his spirited conduct-Motion on the state of the nation-rejectedSeparation between Protestant and Catholic-Rejection of Catholic question-Remarks of Mr. Grattan-Result of change of government -Defenders and Orangemen-Persecution of Catholics-Lord Gosford and the Armagh resolutions-Spread of Defenderism and United Irish-Illegal conduct of Lord Carhampton-Parliament meets, January, 1796-Indemnity and Insurrection Bills-Speech of Lord Edward Fitzgerald-State of peasantry-Motion of Curran and Jephson— Whig Club report on the poor of Ireland-Invasion apprehended— Parliament called in October 1796-Mr. Grattan's amendment— Messrs. Fletcher and Curran--Habeas Corpus Act suspended-Mr. Grattan's proposition in favour of the Catholics-His declaration as to the Government measures-Yeomanry called out.

THE Irish people did not remain silent or passive spectators of the duplicity practised upon them by Mr. Pitt. Oppressed by penal laws, they had long submitted to unmerited injury. Now they were called on to submit to unwonted insult, They justly felt, that though the former might be atoned for, yet the latter admitted of no compensation; and if they tolerated such indignity without a murmur, they would be lowered in their own esteem, and in the opinion of every lover of justice and freedom. Accordingly, Protestants and Catholics alike assembled, and addressed Lord Fitzwilliam and Mr. Grattan, deprecating the departure of the Viceroy, and the loss of the public measures which he and Mr. Grattan had supported. Petitions were presented to the King, complaining of the conduct of his minister. The counties of Tipperary, Galway, Wexford, the

Queen's County, the Catholics of Dublin, the Protestants of Londonderry, some of the minor Corporations of Dublin, the Students of the University, addressed Mr. Grattan on the occasion, and expressed, in spirited and patriotic terms, their sense of the ill-treatment which the country had received. Mr. Grattan's replies merit attention, as well for the principles they contain, as for the sketch of Irish affairs which they delineate. No history of these times would be complete without them.

ADDRESS OF THE ROMAN CATHOLICS OF DUBLIN.

To the Right Hon. Henry Grattan.

SIR,-We are instructed by the Catholics of Dublin to offer you their humble tribute of thanks and gratitude, as well for the eminent services which you have rendered to this kingdom on various occasions, as for your able and generous exertions in their cause. It is not easy to do justice to a man whose name is connected with the most brilliant events of his time, and who has already obtained the highest of all titles,-the deliverer of his country: but though it is impossible to add to your fame by any terms we can employ, it must be grateful to you to learn that you have a place, not only in the admiration, but in the affections of your countrymen.

To be thus loved and admired is surely an amiable distinction. It may not, perhaps, be sufficient to preserve or purchase station and power at court, but to a well-formed mind it is a source of purer satisfaction, than the favour and protection even of monarchs or their ministers. Few men have had it in their power to do so much for their native land as you have done for Ireland. When you first entered into public life, garrison habits, and provincial prejudices, were opposed to Irish interests and feelings, and, what was still more discouraging, the different descriptions of people in this country, far from being ready to meet in a common point for their mutual advantage, were kept asunder by perverse and unintelligible antipathies of a religious nature. Into this chaos of contradiction you infused your spirit, and brought order in some measure out of confusion. The first effort of your eloquence was to rouse the Irish parlia