cause.

*

*

protection of the law: they do this, when by their misconduct abroad, they had reason to apprehend invasion at home, and when they had so reduced the army, that they had left His Majesty's Government no chance for its safety, but in what, I imagine, now must be its best security-the unanimity of his people. If ever this country is lost to England, depend on it this system will be the This country can only be saved by her own force, and her own force can only be procured by adopting the Catholics, and they can only be adopted by a total and entire change of maxims, measures, and manners, accompanied with a free and full participation of whatever privileges the constitution can boast, and what is infinitely more essential, whatever privileges the constitution intended. This is the force, the power, the charm, the staff of your Saint, that will banish from your isle all noxious animals; the wand that opens the sea to the English, and will wall it up against the French. Quickvery quick-you have not a moment to lose-you have given your fellow-subjects a share of your taxes, your defeats, and depopulation, kindly, very kindly-give them now a share of your blessings, whatever your ministers have left you. Let us make no more sacrifices of our liberties let us now sacrifice our prejudices-they will ascend in incense, the best use you can make of them--and be a tiding to your God, that you are become a convert to your country.'

The high-church party, during the debate, had congratulated themselves that Mr. Grattan was now at the close of his political life; to which he replied

"He was told that he was at the close of his political life. He would borrow a few moments of that life to repeat the sentiment, and re-assert a claim dear to his heart, however reduced our number, however solitary our phalanx. It had been objected, that the Catholic claim should not have been made the amendment of an address. To such an objection it was necessary to reply very little-claims of right, liberties, and franchises, redress of grievances, and removal of abuses, did naturally belong to, and where Parliaments did their duty, were inseparable from addresses, prodigal and abundant with the offers of lives and fortunes; that to

CHAP. VIII.]

ON THE AMENDMENT.

253

the address under their consideration, such claim did more particularly belong, because it contained a new and further offer of life, in the enrolment of corps, which, if exclusive, were wicked, and if inclusive, unless freedom should accompany arms, were hazardous; that it was particularly becoming in those who were connected with Lord Fitzwilliam's administration to make the amendment, because the plan of Catholic emancipation was a part of their plan of county armament; and lastly, it was peculiarly seasonable now to advance the claim of the Catholic to sit in Parliament, as we are on the eve of a general election, and the loss of this session is to the Catholic the loss of nine years: that he did allow, that precedents where the rights and franchises of the subject were made any part of an address to the Crown, were of late years few indeed; that addresses of late were unconditional surrender, and unqualified submission to every Minister, to any Minister, and to all Ministers; that, however, in the perilous moments of the State there were precedents in favour of the people, and accordingly, in 1793, the Throne came a little nearer the condition of the people, and the speech, in extremes, recommended measures of reconciliation; nor should I have been surprised had the speech of this session done the same; if the changes of war were not to the minister of these countries, the change of sentiment, but that now, instead of reconciliation, gentlemen called for unanimity without it, that is, for a Parliamentary unanimity, instead of a national one; that there might be, and he had often been a witness to two unanimities, namely, an unanimity in Parliament for loans for taxes-for penal laws-for rejection of petitions -and for the unqualified surrender of the life, fortunes, and liberty of the subject;-but at the same time without doors an unanimity against those measures-unanimity for privileges for emancipation-and for reformation; that is to say, unanimity within doors for the Minister, and without doors unanimity against him; frightful unanimities these, founded on one side in folly, in fear, in influence, in the little motive, and the puny gratification, in influences visible and invisible-founded on the other side in wounded pride, public principle, and public indignation, and which connected with the other, left the minister too strong for the nation, and too weak for the enemy.

Referring to the imprudent declaration of Mr.

Pelham (then Secretary, afterwards Lord Chichester), he observed:

"If there was a language that could be called invitation* -if it were possible for an Irish member of Parliament to invite invasion-if it were possible for a member of this House to give encouragement in France beyond all example or imitation-there was the member who had done it-the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Lord Lieutenant's Secretary, the representative of the English Cabinet in Ireland, who had spoken as follows: The exclusion of Catholics from Parliament and the State, is necessary for the Crown and the connexion-that he is ready to meet the question now -that he was ready to support it with life and fortune.' This dreadful, this deadly, this wild, and this fatal proscription, when he is calling for volunteers to enrol in the service, what language, what denunciation, what dictation could France have suggested more opportune in time, more pregnant in disaffection, or more authoritative in mischief? -his practical logic has been, that in time of apprehended invasion it is perilous to hold the language of reconciliation, and discreet to hold the language of proscription-eternal and indefeasible proscription! denounced by a minister of the Crown, speaking to three-fourths of his Majesty's subjects. France knew perfectly well that she had gained Brabant, but she did not know till now that she had gained in the councils of the King of England-that fatal partizan, who, with the best intention in the world, could thus in his Majesty's dominions, and from his seat in Parliament, recruit for the French republic: the Member may rely on it, the Catholic-the Irish will not long submit to such an interdict; they will not suffer a stranger (amiable as the Right Hon. Member may be, he is but a stranger) to tell us on what proud terms English Government will consent to rule in Ireland, still less to pronounce and dictate the incapacity of the natives, as the terms of her dominion, and the base condition of our connection and allegiance. We love the monarchy, and we love the connexion, as compatible with, and instrumental to the preservation of Irish liberties-preferring our own liberties and our people

Mr. Grattan's foresight here appears remarkable; for Theobald Wolfe Tone actually used the debates and speeches of the Government party, with the French Executive Directory, as an inducement to invade the country, and a proof of probable success.

CHAP. VIII.] ON THE AMENDMENT.

255

of all religions, to all things, and to all other countries. Rely on it, the Ministry must retract that denunciation; I will hazard my credit that they shall retract that denunciation; they have not the madness-they have not the audacity-they have not the power to abide by it. I would appeal to their own country against them, and implore that her dearest interest, and next to herself, her lost strength, the physical force of Ireland, may not be lost to Great Britain by such abominable, unauthorized, senseless, and diabolic proscription. How much safer our plan of opposition, as you call it, our amendment of conciliation, the only principle of peace and of strength; with it you need not tremble at the sword of France, nor the pen of Painewithout it you will become a prey to any enemy-you will require to use the words of Lord Bolingbroke-neither the valour of an Achilles, nor the wisdom of a Nestor, nor the eloquence of an Ulysses to undo you; Thersites himself will be sufficient for the purpose."

The studied silence of Government as to the excesses of the Orangemen in Armagh, was deserving of just condemnation; and on that Mr. Grattan said:

Will

"He could not sit down without expressing how little satisfied he was with the excuses advanced for neglecting the religious war of Armagh; he said Government had not exerted all the powers which the laws gave it;-had Government dismissed any of the magistrates? Government say they had no ground for so doing? Will Government say that in a year and a half, with 40,000 soldiers, and with summary laws, that would have enabled them to pull down the liberties of the whole island, that they could not reduce that county to order? I cannot but think the audacity of the mob arose from a confidence in the connivance of Government; under an administration sent here to defeat a Catholic bill, a Protestant mob very naturally conceives itself a part of the State, and exercises the power of life and death, and transportation, and murder, and rape, with triumph, and with the seeming sympathy of the court religion, the magistrates retire from the scene of action, except such as secretly foment, or openly encourage the Government at last comes forward, recites and classes all the outrages of the country, that outrage only

excepted-the prudent mover of certain resolutions confines himself merely to those murders which are unpopular at the Castle, and provides such remedies as have nothing to say to the North-the clause of compensation which promised some relief, is proposed and rejected, and at the end of seven months, are we surprised to find in such a Government, that the violence which afflicts the Catholic has been suffered to continue? Protection and proscription are incompatible; the Government that proscribes their privilege will not protect their person."

Mr. Fletcher, that able and constitutional lawyer, whose independent character and conduct, whether at the bar, in the senate, or on the bench, deserved and received the admiration of every lover of freedom, made great and spirited efforts in this debate in favour of the people. Curran, too, exerted himself, but in vain; his conclusion was as follows:

"A gentleman had said, the Catholics had got much, and they ought to be content. Why have they got that much? was it from the minister ?-was it from the Parliament, which threw their petition over its bar? No, (said he,) they got it by the great revolution of human affairs-by the astonishing march of the human mind-a march that has collected too much moment in its advance to be now stopped in its progress. The bark is still afloat-it is freighted with the hopes and liberties of millions of men— she is already under way-the rower may faint, or the wind may sleep; - but rely upon it, she has already acquired an energy of advancement, that will support her course and bring her to her destination-rely upon it, whether much or little remains, it is now vain to withhold it-rely upon it, you may as well stamp your foot upon the earth, in order to prevent its revolution; you could not stop it, you would only remain a silly gnomon upon its surface, to measure the rapidity of rotation, until you were forced round and buried in the shade of that body, whose irresistible course you would endeavour to oppose."

The day after the debate, the Attorney-general (Wolfe), moved the suspension of the Habeas Cor