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The Book of the Church is strictly an historical work, and so free from all allusion to existing circumstances, that I had no scruple in dedicating it to one whose opinions were in favour of political concessions to the Romanists. Assuredly I should not have done this, if it had borne upon that question in any other manner than as a faithful history of the English Church, and a faithful view of that system from which the Reformation delivered us, must bear upon it. The present volume, which vindicates that history and that view, bears more directly upon the question, though it nowhere enters into it at length. But had it lain within the scope of my immediate purpose, I would have shown that what is insidiously termed Catholic Emancipation is not a question of toleration, but of political power; that the disqualifications, which the government is called upon to remove, are not the cause of the disordered state of Ireland, and consequently, that their removal could not effect the cure; that farther concessions would produce farther demands, as all former concessions have done; and that, if the desperate error were committed, of conceding what is now required, the agitators would pursue their darling scheme, of overthrowing the Irish Church and separating the two countries, with renewed zeal, and heightened hopes,.. and with

far greater probability, not indeed of ultimate success, but of bringing upon Ireland the horrors of a civil and religious war!

The vital interests of England would also be seriously endangered, though the danger would be less immediate. The Romish Church is inherently, incurably, and restlessly intolerant. Every Roman-Catholic proclaims in his creed that none can be saved out of the Romish Church; and vows in that creed, that he will, by all means in his power, bring those, over whom he has any influence, to believe in it. This is the religious and sworn duty of every Roman-Catholic; and this principle it was which rendered the Revolution of 1688 necessary for the preservation of our civil and religious liberty. By that event our twofold Constitution, consisting of Church and State, as it now exists, was established and secured. It would therefore be a solecism in policy, were we to entrust those persons with power in the State, who are bound in conscience to use it for subverting the Church, ...for undoing the work of the Reformation and of the Revolution, . . for bringing us again into spiritual bondage, and re-establishing that system of superstition, idolatry, and persecution, from which the sufferings of our martyrs, and the wisdom of our ancestors, by God's blessing, delivered us. Far as we may think them from

it, this is the consummation upon which their designs as well as their desires are bent. Their own corrupt Church it is not possible that they should ever re-instate; but give them the ground for which they are now contending, and it is very possible that the well-ordered system under which we have flourished may be most seriously endangered; for it is worthy of especial consideration, that they have for their immediate allies every faction which is banded against the State, every demagogue, every irreligious and every seditious Journalist, every open and every insidious enemy to Monarchy and to Christianity. All these in their several stations write, speak, and act in favour of the Roman-Catholic claims. And this alone ought to make those persons hesitate, who, under the influence of very different motives, have engaged in the same cause. They would do well to consider with whom they are acting; that they cannot be mistaken as to the end at which these parties are aiming; but that they may be mistaken when they suppose that a measure, which is eagerly and systematically promoted by such parties and such men, can be otherwise than injurious to the Constitution, and to those principles upon which the welfare of this nation is founded.

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