belong to man, and not to property. We cannot see how the party who adopt household suffrage, can hesitate in extending the right in all its entirety to the people. Let us have Complete Suffrage in preference to any compromise." Nov. 3, 1841. ** "What shall we agitate for? We believe that whenever Complete Suffrage shall have been obtained, we shall possess a guarantee for most of the advantages which legislation can secure to us. Let us have Complete Suffrage; electoral districts, and ballot, and all substantial reforms would follow as a matter of course." Nov. 10, 1841. * "The question of Complete Suffrage is now fairly planted in the public mind. It lives, it grows, its roots have taken hold upon the soil." Dec. 22, 1841.

*

Such were the first lessons of that new creed inculcated by the Nonconformist. And, as with every other new prophet, Mr. Miall's first efforts were devoted to the instruction of his disciples. Accordingly he started out with certain tangible, dogmatic principles, the basis of which was Democracy in Church and State. In Church, the democratic principle of Mr. Miall was the perfect equality of all sects; in other words, the separation of Church and State. In the State, the democratic principle of Mr. Miall was the perfect equality of man; in other words, the right of every

adult citizen, as a man, and independent of all such accidents as property, education, or character, to the suffrage. But the policy of the Nonconformist subordinated the former to the latter principle, in regard to the time of its application. Complete Suffrage was to be obtained first, for it was regarded as a guarantee for the ballot, electoral districts, and, indeed, all other "substantial reforms," including that of disconnecting Church and State. In this respect the lessons of parliamentary history between 1832 and 1841 had doubtless left a deep impression upon the mind of Mr. Miall. In fact, the Nonconformist only began where parliamentary struggles had left matters in the year 1840. Dissent and Radicalism were already ripe for an alliance, having co-operated in many a fierce parliamentary encounter against the constitutional Whigs and Conservatives. But whilst the Nonconformist breathed only a distrust of the Whigs, it taught its readers to hold Conservatism in abhorrence, as utterly and necessarily opposed to Democracy, both in Church and State. Another great feature of Mr. Miall's system was the motives by which he sought to work upon his disciples. In all things, the pretext of religion was freely employed; in pulling down the Church, in advocating Complete Suffrage, in denouncing his opponents,

in invectives against lukewarm friends. As with Mahomet and his crusade, the alternative for Dissenters was either conversion or the forfeiture of life, or something dearer. Hence those terrible fulminations directed against Dissenting Ministers, and scattered about liberally in the Nonconformist Sketch-Book. Having then, in the year 1841, relieved his mind, and in no niggard measure, of what tenets, as the High Priest of a new régime, Mr. Miall deemed it incumbent upon him to propagate, his next object was to reduce these theories to practice. In 1842, therefore, the Nonconformist dictated the work of agitation and organisation. First of all, it insisted upon public meetings in every town, upon the ensuing Good Friday, to send up to Parliament "a demand for the instant extension of the suffrage to every adult inhabitant of the land." Then it discussed the subject of "Suffrage Associations;" and finally, in April, it announced "A Complete Suffrage Conference at Birmingham," which resulted in the formation of "The National Complete Suffrage Union," with Joseph Sturge as Chairman; the same individual who, in 1836, figured as Chairman of the Voluntary Church Association. In the Nonconformist of April 13th and 20th, there appears a detailed account of all the events referred to, of the persons

present, the provisional committee, the agents, and the speeches delivered on the occasion.

But the most important statement is that found in the former number, where the editor boasts, "It is a source of peculiar gratification to ourselves, that in the first number of the second year of its existence, we are able to point to these proceedings" (of the Complete Suffrage Union) "as the firstfruits of the establishment of the Nonconformist." In the Secretary's report of the Provisional Committee, it is also stated that "About 200 Ministers of religion, of all denominations, have signed the memorial in favour of Complete Suffrage ;" and that "The Committee would fail in their duty if they omitted to notice the invaluable service rendered to their cause by the series of able articles, under the title of Complete Suffrage,' which have appeared in the Nonconformist." Then follows the remark: "A recent article in the Eclectic Review approbates all the points of the Charter, with the exception of annual parliaments." After this recognition, what wonder that at a meeting of the General Committee of the Council of the National Complete Suffrage Union, shortly afterwards, it was unanimously resolved, "That the Nonconformist newspaper, having zealously co-operated in the origination of

the Complete Suffrage movement, and having received the enthusiastic approval of the Conference, this Council, having obtained the consent of the editor, and made with him the necessary arrangements, do hereby recognise and recommend that paper to the people as the weekly organ of the Union," with the addition, "and at the same time they desire to promote the circulation of that paper by every means in their power." Need I record how faithfully the Nonconformist discharged the duties thus confided to it; with what devotion it nursed its own bantling?

Let it suffice to add that Mr. Sharman Crawford was appointed the Parliamentary champion of the National Complete Suffrage Union; that Complete Suffrage was interpreted to mean, "that every male citizen of twenty-one years of age is entitled and ought to possess the elective franchise;" that one Reverend Minister "considered that this was a religious movement;" that, among other speakers and delegates present, must be included the Rev. Edward Miall, the Rev. J. P. Mursell, Mr. H. Vincent, the Chartist, Lawrence Heyworth, Esq., late M.P. for Derby, the Rev. Dr. Ritchie of Edinburgh, Mr. Josiah Pumphrey, Mr. Arthur Albright, and Mr. John Bright of Rochdale, besides Mr. Joseph Sturge, who was chosen chairman. If further