jected to legislative enactments; and that the greater part, if not the whole, of those revenues, ought to be appropriated to the relief of the nation." This motion, negatived without a division, is remarkable as being the only substantive proposal ever made to parliament which comes up to the programme of the Liberation Society. Within a fortnight, however, the leading Radicals or democrats, the Dissenters, and the Irish Romanists are found combined for the first time, to support Mr. Grote's motion, which was seconded by Mr. Ward,-"That the votes at elections for Members of Parliament should be taken by way of secret ballot." On this occasion Mr. Grote obtained only 106 votes, the Ministry opposing the motion, and Lord Althorp in its behalf, "appealing to any gentleman who was in the last Parliament, and who knew the whole proceedings while the Reform Bill was going on, whether the promoters of that measure did not contend, that, as far as the representation of the people was concerned, it was to be considered, and was proposed, as a final measure." On one subject, however, the four Liberal sections united, and that was the Irish Church Temporalities Bill, including the abolition of church-cess, which was carried by a majority of 239. Soon after, the question of Church Rates in England was mooted, Lord

Althorp admitting that "the subject was under the consideration of Government." In its review of the session of 1833, the Eclectic allows that "so far as regards the working of the Reform Bill, we think there is reason for entire satisfaction;" but complains of the supercilious tone of Ministers towards Dissenters. Still, their conduct was partly excused, on the score that Dissenters had but few champions, and only one representative in the Commons, Mr. Wilks, who is nevertheless styled "the able representative of the millions of orthodox Dissenters." On the whole, both the Dissenting organs, the Patriot as well as the Eclectic, declared their approbation of the session's work, but commended the Ministry rather for what was expected the following year, than for what had been already done. Conservative reform was still the watchword; Radical measures, such as the ballot, were deprecated; Mr. Hume was not a favourite; but yet the Eclectic intimated "that the principle of ecclesiastical establishments must, before long, be brought under debate," and the Patriot confessed that "the Church Rate is a matter of comparative insignificance, except as connected with the principle of the Establishment, that of a dominant Church in connection with the State." The same journal also admitted into its columns a letter signed "G. Had

field," the present Member for Sheffield, it is presumed, insisting that Dissenters asked for too little, and that they ought to demand "a total disconnection between Church and State," and that Earl Grey's Ministry was only "temporising." It was in the autumn of this year, 1833, that Mr. Binney's celebrated address was delivered, on laying the foundation of the new Weigh-House Chapel, the last sentence of which is as follows:-"The dissolution, then, of the existing Anti-Christian alliance between Church and State is the object at which Dissenters will aim, and aim at it on serious, sacred, and religious grounds; identifying it with the honour of God, the peace of his Church, and the universal advantage of mankind." I may add, that this address was at once adopted by both the Eclectic Review and the Patriot, as an "exposition of the views and principles of orthodox Dissenters," that is, of the Presbyterians, Independents, and Baptists, who were represented in Parliament by Mr. Wilks, and in political organisations by the Deputies and the Ecclesiastical Knowledge Society. So much for the events of 1833.

The following year another sight was seen. The Political Unions, originally started to agitate Reform, were not yet disbanded, but diverted against the Church. A pamphlet, published in the course of

this year, states what appears to have been the literal truth, that "The Dissenters and the Political Unions have the same objects in view, and only make use of different means to accomplish those objects." Hence, the great Church Rate contests maintained in the large towns, but it is notorious that, although refused in Birmingham, Manchester, Rochdale, and other places, in no one case did the scrutiny of voters give the victory to the Anti-Church party. It was simply by clamour, brute force, and illegal votes on the part of a politico-religious combination between Radicals, Dissenters, Romanists, and Infidels, that Church Rates were abolished in the large towns. However, the consequence of all the agitation was greatly to elate the advocates of Dissent, who, apparently, like the Eclectic, counted themselves by millions. The whole country was convulsed, and nothing shows the spirit of Dissent better than the changed tone of the Eclectic, which, though protesting that its friends had not excited "the prevalent hostility against the Church Establishment," yet added, “the alliance between Church and State is a political alliance, and nothing more, and it is this which Dissenters wish to see dissolved, as being injurious to both parties, and in its very nature Anti-Christian." The Patriot went a step further, informing its readers that by the separation

of Church and State was meant the abolition of Church Rates, tithes, the baronial privileges of the prelates, the clerical magistrates, university tests, &c., a definition subsequently indorsed by the Eclectic. For, in answer to the query, "What is the union of Church and State," the Patriot replied:-1. The tithe system, civil and ecclesiastical-not so much the fiscal exaction as the principle. 2. The baronial privileges and duties of prelates. 3. The exercise of temporal jurisdiction by persons in holy orders, as magistrates, &c. 4. Compulsory payments levied on the members of all unendowed Churches in support of the endowed Church. 5. Exclusion from the national seminaries of education-from the colleges of Oxford and Cambridge, down to the charity schools.

Earl Grey, however, was not made of that pliant mould of which modern Whigs are fashioned. On the opening of Parliament he took occasion to declare, that "he was not one of those who would, for a single moment, appear to encourage the theorists who were for separating Church and State; " a speech which not only turned the Dissenters against him, but which appears to have fanned the flame of politico-religious fanaticism. On the 13th March, Mr. Rippon moved-"To relieve the Arch