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as a system, was neither allied to, nor identified with, democratic principles. The second, as period when Dissent though identified with, was not allied to either form of Liberalism, either to the democratic section, called Radicalism, or to the constitutional section, called Whiggism; the third, as a period when Dissent was both identified with, and allied to, democracy, or Radicalism; and the fourth, as a period when Dissent became both identified with, and allied to, Liberalism; when, therefore, Dissent, Democracy, and Whiggism were and are all combined, and Liberalism accordingly is playing the part of accomplice to the Liberation Society. To the four chapters thus divided, other two will be added; one devoted to an enumeration of the measures introduced into Parliament since the year 1832, and of those now being agitated or about to be agitated for the special relief and benefit of Dissent; the other dedicated to a consideration of the consequences of those measures, and the duties of Churchmen and Constitutionalists, in regard to the new positions assumed by Dissent and Liberal politicians.

With respect to other and particular results, I hope to show, first, that the principles and objects now professed by the Liberation Society, were openly professed at least thirty years ago, and have

ever since been recognised as the tenets and designs of Dissenters, by a regular and continuous organisation ; secondly, that so far from being new, or beginning in 1853 or 1844, the organisation of Dissent for political purposes originated at least one hundred and thirty years ago, in the reign of the second George, and that it has continued—uno tenore-in one unbroken line of succession from 1732 to 1864. In the third place, I shall endeavour to point out what is really new, namely, the connection of Dissent with political parties; a connection, however, which sprang up naturally in 1832, out of the events of the time, and which, though neither regular nor constant during the first ten years or so, may be, I believe, distinctly defined for the last twenty years at least.

As the consequence of such a review, I also cherish the hope of throwing some fresh light upon the tactics of political Dissent-its modus operandi—the course it steers on the ocean of politics. This I shall endeavour to demonstrate to be none other than the old course of democracy. It is by way, first, of a £6 borough franchise, then of universal suffrage, the ballot, annual parliaments, equal electoral districts, and "a reasonable remuneration to members of Parliament,” that Dissent calculates upon reaching the

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as a system, was neither allied to, nor identified with, democratic principles. The second, as a period when Dissent though identified with, was not allied to either form of Liberalism, either to the democratic section, called Radicalism, or to the constitutional section, called Whiggism; the third, as a period when Dissent was both identified with, and allied to, democracy, or Radicalism; and the fourth, as a period when Dissent became both identified with, and allied to, Liberalism; when, therefore, Dissent, Democracy, and Whiggism were and are all combined, and Liberalism accordingly is playing the part of accomplice to the Liberation Society. To the four chapters thus divided, other two will be added; one devoted to an enumeration of the measures introduced into Parliament since the year 1832, and of those now being agitated or about to be agitated for the special relief and benefit of Dissent; the other dedicated to a consideration of the consequences of those measures, and the duties of Churchmen and Constitutionalists, in regard to the new positions assumed by Dissent and Liberal politicians.

With respect to other and particular results, I hope to show, first, that the principles and objects now professed by the Liberation Society, were openly professed at least thirty years ago, and have

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1: Dissent calculates upon reaching the

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goal proposed—the separation of Church and State. But, whilst the main objects and results are such as I have described, I flatter myself that other results of scarcely less importance will ensue as well, which will prove alike interesting and useful. Of these, one of the most inevitable, but perhaps the least to be regretted, will be the reflection shed by the narrative upon the lives and conduct of some of the leading politicians of the day. Occasionally, the characters exhibited will appear strangely incongruous, and even verging on the grotesque; but the fault will not be mine. In every case I shall present to my readers the subjects as painted by themselves, and fresh from that incomparable gallery of autograph portraits—the pages of Hansard. With respect to political Dissent itself, I trust to be able to announce a few discoveries. More particularly, we shall find, notwithstanding protestations to the contrary, that Dissent has contracted a vicious habit of suppression, of telling possibly the truth, but not the whole truth. Another familiar maxim of Dissent is to carry out

"The good old law, the simple plan,

That they should take, who have the power,
And they should keep who can.”

With regard to explanations, I liave to say, that the

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