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THE

GENTLEMAN'S MAGAZINE,

AND

HISTORICAL CHRONICLE.

FROM JANUARY TO JUNE, 1832.

VOLUME CII.

(BEING THE TWENTY-FIFTH OF A NEW SERIES.)

PART THE FIRST.

PRODESSE & DELECTARE.

E PLURIBUS UNUM.

BY SYLVANUS URBAN, GENT.

London:

PRINTED BY J. B. NICHOLS AND SON, 25, PARLIAMENT STREET;
WHERE LETTERS ARE PARTICULARLY REQUESTED TO BE SENT, POST-PAID ;

AND SOLD BY JOHN HARRIS,

AT THE CORNER OF ST. PAUL'S CHURCH YARD, LUDGATE STREET; BY G. G. BENNIS, 55 RUE
NEUVE ST. AUGUSTIN, PARIS; AND BY PERTHES AND BESSER, HAMBURGH.

1832.

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PREFACE.

. IN the "Historical Chronicle" of our present Volume, there are many subjects which press themselves upon our serious attention; but the most prominent, and certainly the most important, is the question of PARLIAMENtary Reform, which may be truly styled the new British Constitution for 1832. In the attainment of this object the whole empire has been convulsed, and society unhinged. Nobles have been arrayed against Nobles; the mercantile classes have been divided, and their interests paralysed, and popular phrensy has threatened the very existence of the state. "If you would reduce a great empire to misery and degradation (said Frederick the Great), place it under the dominion of philosophical theorists." "If you would grind a nation to powder (said Napoleon), submit it to the guidance of political economists." No general axioms could be more just than these; and no practical experience could more forcibly demonstrate their truth than the events of the last few years. Philosophical or speculative theorists, and political economists, have been so long experimentalizing and administering empirical nostrums to the naturally robust constitution of John Bull, that he is rapidly sinking from his once vigorous condition to weakness and decrepitude. With the experiments of free trade, restricted currency, corn laws, Catholic emancipation, &c. all of which, accompanied by the blessings of peace, were to diffuse the blessings of plenty over the land, we have, year after year, found the national resources on the wane, and every important interest, financial, commercial, and agricultural, gradually sinking to the lowest verge of existence. Bankers have stopped payment, though money was abundant, and thousands knew not how to employ it; Merchants have been ruined, though every port was ready to receive their commodities; manufactures have been paralysed; agriculturists have become insolvent; and labourers, starving in the midst of plenty, have been compelled to quit for ever their native land. What can be the cause of these manifold evils, unless it be the system recently pursued by our soi-disans politicians, of acting upon abstract political notions, without considering the relative circumstances of the national body politic, and its numerous co-relative dependancies? During a long and general war, we were enabled to raise treble the present amount of revenue, which was comparatively unfelt by the mercantile and industrious classes; but now the pressure of taxation, though so much reduced, is felt in a tenfold degree; and in the midst of peace, a frightful defalcation in the national income presents itself, which nothing, we apprehend, but additional burdens can supply. Under these theorizing principles our wealth and energies have for years been wasting, and will

continue to waste, until some great practical statesman shall arise, and
once again call into action our native energies and our great national
resources. But, to restore us to our former greatness, which every poli-
tical theorist has been in vain attempting, we are now told that PARLIA-
MENTARY REFORM alone is wanting, and that it is to be the grand panacea
of all our ills! precisely as Catholic Emancipation was intended as a heal-
ing and "a final measure" for Catholic Ireland! though a final separation
of the two kingdoms is now the undisguised object of the popish agitators.
-That Gatton, Dunwich, Sarum, or the decayed boroughs of Cornwall,
should send Representatives to Parliament, in preference to Birmingham,
Manchester, or Leeds (though these great towns were always in reality
virtually represented by the County Members), certainly appears, ab-
stractedly speaking, a most ludicrous absurdity; and such a state of things
ought perhaps long ago to have been remedied; but still it must be ad-
mitted that we have for ages flourished, as a great and thriving nation,
under that system now so strongly deprecated; and to aver, that by the
mere transfer of Representatives from one place to another, we shall
recover our former national greatness, or remove the appalling distress
which has been long goading the industrious classes to disaffection and
madness, is utterly inconsistent with every rational or sound conclusion.
Whether the same individual represents Middlesex or Aberdeen, Lam-
beth or Stamford, a metropolitan or a close borough, it can by no pos-
sibility of reasoning alter the political aspect of things, or add to the
resources of our country; whilst perpetual innovation and experiment
on the constitution of the body politic, which injures many and benefits
none, may eventually lead to the most disastrous results.

Turning from the stormy ocean of Politics to the calmer regions of
Literature, we revert with satisfaction to the multifarious information
which, principally through the agency of our numerous and learned
Correspondents, we have been enabled to present to our readers in the
present portion of our Hundred and Second Volume. Whilst the lite-
rary world is deluged with ephemeral and oft-repeated trifles, or the
public taste nauseated by political and incendiary trash-be ours the
task to devote our attention to the more stable interests of British litera-
ture-to bring the hidden treasures of our ancient lore in a cheap form
before the public-to gratify the antiquary and the scholar with the
profound researches and classical disquisitions of the learned-to present
a just and impartial Review of the literature of the day-to give a
faithful and authentic chronicle of passing events-and to record, in our
deathless Obituary, the heroic actions of distinguished merit, or the
social virtues of private worth. To effect these important objects no
pains or expense shall be saved; and we feel confident that our efforts
will be duly appreciated by an enlightened public.

June 30, 1832.

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